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WOMEN    OF  COLONIAL  AND 
REVOLU TIONAR Y  TIMES ^S 


MARGARET  IVINTHROP 

BY  ALICE  MORSE  EARLE 


WITH  FACSIMILE 
REPRODUCTION 


® 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK  MCMltl 


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Copyright,  /Spy,  hy 
Charles  Scribner's  Sons 


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n^O  TWO  NEIGHBORS  OF 

MARGARET  WINTHROP 

MY   FAR-AWAY    GRANDMOTHERS 

MARGARET  MORSE 

OF  DEDHAM,  ESSEX  COUNTY,  ENG- 
LAND,  AND 

JOANNA  HOAR 

OF  BRAINTREE,   NORFOLK  COUNTY 
MASSACHUSETTS 


CONTENTS 


I— A  PURITAN  WOOING 

Margaret  Tyndal's  Home  in  England — Her  Family 
— John  Winthrop's  Love-letters — Puritan  Methods 
of  Courtship  in  the  Days  of  King  James — One  of 
Serjeant  Earle's  Love-letters I 

II— MARGARET      WINTHROP'S 
HOME 

Groton  Manor — Suffolk  County  Manners  and  Cus- 
toms— Puritan  Influences  Surrounding  the  Win- 
throp  Household — Tolling  the  Passing-Bell — Mar- 
garet's Letters  to  Her  Husband— English  Town 
and  Country  Life IQ 

III-THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

Domestic  Arrangements  in  Margaret  Winthrop's 
Household — The  Duties  of  the  Maids — The  Mak- 
ing of  Malt — Cooking — How  Linen  and  Woollen 
Homespun  were  Made — A  Young  Lady's  School 
Expenses  in  1646 — Women's  Dress — Court  Cos- 
tumes of  the  Day 53 

11^— CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENG- 
LAND 

A  Famous  Tract — Its  Influence  in  Turning  Men  to 
New  England — Its  Authorship  Attributed  to  Win- 
throp — The  Cambridge  Agreement — Why  the  Puri- 
tans were  Driven  to  Emigrate — Social,  Political  and 
Religious  Questions — Winthrop  Sails  on  the  Ar- 
bella 100 


l^—SEPARA  TION  AND  REUNION 

Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony — A 
Gloomy  .Jew  England  Winter — Winthrop's  Daily 
Life  as  Told  in  His  Journal — Curious  History  of 
the  Original  of  this  Journal — The  Governor's  Let- 
ters to  His  Wife — She  Joins  Her  Husband  in  1631    .       138 

y I— HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

The  Boston  of  Margaret  Winthrop's  Day — An  In- 
ventory of  the  Estate  of  Governor  Winthrop  Taken 
in  1649 — Its  Value  as  Illustrating  the  Social  and 
Domestic  Condition  of  the  Colonists — The  Gov- 
ernor's Bequest  of  Books  to  Harvard  College — The 
Winthrop  House  in  Boston — Margaret's  Daily  Life 
— Household  Matters 171 

y II— SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

Influence  of  English  University  Men — Margaret 
Winthrop's  House  a  Center  of  Social  and  Political 
Activity — Hawthorne's  Picture  of  Colonial  Boston 
— Distinguished  Visitors — Amusing  and  Adventur- 
ous Characters — The  Indians 19S 

yill—iVOMAN FRIENDS  AND  NEIGH- 
BORS 

Lucy  Downing,  the  Governor's  Sister,  a  Distinct 
Personality — Her  Letters  to  Margaret  and  to  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop — Her  Sense  of  Humor — Mary 
Dudley's  Letters — Her  Experience  with  an  Insolent 
Servant— Penelope  Pelham,  Joanna  Hoar  and  Others 
— Match-making 221 

IX— RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

Winthrop's  Religious  Fervor — Margaret's  Connec- 
tion with  the  First  Church  of  Boston — The  Service 
— Influence  of  John  Cotton— Church  Government 
and  Administration — Manner  of  Public  Worship      ,      255 

X— MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCHINSON 

Her  Part  in  a  Famous  Religious  Controversy — 
Winthrop's  Share  in  Her  Banishment— Her  Con- 
verts—Her Relations  with  Margaret  Winthrop        .      269 


XI— ACADIA     AND     NEW     ENG- 
LAND 

Visits  of  La  Tour,  D'  Aulnay  and  of  Madam  La 
Tour  to  Boston — Winthrop's  Account  of  their  Mis- 
sions— A  Show  of  Bravery  in  Honor  of  the  Gallic 
Ambassadors — An  Amusing  Occurrence — Their 
Pate 288 

XII— PUBLIC    EVENTS   AND    CLOS- 
ING DAYS 

How  the  Massachusetts  Charter  was  Protected — 
Winthrop's  Attitude  Towards  Witchcraft — The 
Impeachment  of  Winthrop — Death  of  Margaret 
Winthrop  in  1647 — Her  Husband's  Entry  m  His 
Journal — Her  Children  and  Her  Descendants — Her 
Character 309 


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FOREIVORD 

My  knowledge  of  the  events  of  Margaret 
Winthrop' 8  life  has  been  gained  largely  through 
the  printed  collections  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society,  chiefly  in  those  volumes  known 
as  the  Winthrop  Papers.  For  cordial  permis- 
sion to  use  extracts  from  those  papers  in  this 
biography ,  I  here  express  my  thanks  to  the  offi- 
cers of  that  Society.  The  Life  of  John  Win- 
throp, hy  Mr.  Robert  C.  Winthrojy,  has  also 
been  free  for  purposes  of  quotation ;  to  the 
author's  son,  Mr.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  of 
Boston,  I  give  sincere  thanks  for  this  courtesy. 
The  Journal  of  John  Winthrop,  known  as  Win- 
throp's  History  of  Neiv  England,  is  invaluable 
to  every  student  of  early  times  in  that  colony  ; 
I  have  used  its  statements  and  tvords  to  as  large 
an  extent  as  possible.  Those  vast  and  interest- 
ing volumes  known  as  the  Memorial  History  of 
Boston  have  been  fidl  of  suggestions  to  me. 
The  work  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Com- 
mission  of  Great    Britain   has   furnished   me 


FOREWORD 

ivith  historical  facts ;  and  hundreds  of  letters^ 
diaries^  and  tracts,  written  during  the  first  half 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  have  been  carefully 
read  and  noted,  and  have  all  hel'ped  to  afford 
the  details  of  customs  and  7nanners  during  those 
years,  I  have  not  aimed  to  give  any  extended 
history  of  public  or  political  events,  but  have 
simply  referred  to  such  succession  of  public 
occurrences  as  had  ascendency  over  the  influ- 
ences, or  bearing  upon  the  circumstances,  of 
Margaret  Winthrop' s  life. 

In  drawing  the  picture  of  her  life  in  Eng- 
land, I  have  heeded  little  the  records  of  the 
court  and  of  fashionable  town-life,  or  of  the 
pompous  routine  of  vast  estates,  but  have  gath- 
ered ivholly  from  the  existing  records  of  the 
life  of  the  families  of  English  country  gentle- 
men, lords  of  the  manor.  And  as  far  as 
possible  I  have  given  the  words  and  thoughts  of 
Puritan  diary-writers  and  authors,  believing 
that  in  methods  of  living  and  thought  these 
ivriters  would  be  closely  in  touch  ivith  the  life 
of  John  and  Margaret  Winthrop.  I  have  also 
limited  my  authorities  largely  to  those  of  the 
counties  of  Suffolk  and  Essex,  —  the  homes  of 
Margaret  Winthrop ;  for  in  that  day  different 
counties  of  Emgland  were  like   different  eoun- 


FOREWORD 

trieSy  and  the  recounting  of  the  manners  and 
customs  of  residents  of  Northumberland,  Devon, 
or  Yorkshire  could  never  he  a  true  portrayal 
of  ivays  of  living  in  Crroton  Manor  in  Suf- 
folk. The  researches  for  these  facts  of  manor- 
life  in  Essex  and  Suffolk  have  been  of  special 
interest  and  facility  to  me,  for  they  have  been 
among  my  own  forbears  and  kinsfolk;  and  I 
trust  my  affection  and  respect  for  their  memory, 
and  possibly  the  power  of  heredity,  have  given 
to  me  a  clearer  insight  into  the  lives  and 
motives  of  these  Puritan  gentlemen  and  gentle- 
women. 

ALICE  MORSE  EARLE. 

Brooklyn  Heights,  May,  1895. 


MAEGARET  WINTHROP 


A  PURITAN  WOOING 

Down  the  narrow  byways  and  lanes  between 
the  green  hop-fields  and  hedgerows  of  sunny 
Essex,  along  the  sedgy  fens  and  lily-pulks  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Stour,  through  the  shad- 
owy bridle-paths  of  the  forests  of  Suffolk,  there 
rode  one  September  day,  over  two  centuries  and 
a  half  ago,  an  English  gentleman  a-courting. 
He  was  not  a  gay  and  gallant  cavalier,  but  a 
grave  Puritan  lawyer  and  country  squire,  sober 
by  nature,  and  now,  though  but  thirty-one  years 
of  age,  saddened  more  deeply  by  the  death  of 
his  two  gentle  English  wives,  and  the  thought 
of  his  four  little  motherless  children. 

The  third  wife,  whom  he  was  now  seeking, 
was  no  longer  young,  as  the  age  of  women  was 
regarded  in  those  days  :  she  was  twenty-seven, 
and  she  too  was  acquainted  with  grief ;  so  this 
choice  of  John  Winthrop's  was  one  of  prudence 
1  1 


MARGARET    WINTHROP 

and  good  sense  and  compatibility,  as  well  as  of 
affection. 

Margaret  Tyndal's  home,  to  which  John  Win- 
throp  rode,  was  in  Great  Maplestead  in  Essex 
County,  —  a  fine  manor-house  called  Chelmshey 
House.  This  mansion  had  been  built  by  her 
father,  Sir  John  Tyndal,  to  please  her  mother, 
Lady  Anne  Tyndal,  who  wished  to  live  near  the 
splendid  home  of  her  son  by  a  former  marriage, 
Sir  John  Deane.  The  Deanes  and  Tyndals 
were  folk  of  much  dignity  and  influence  in  the 
county.  Sir  John  Tyndal  was  Master  in  Chan- 
cery, and  lost  his  life  through  an  adverse  deci- 
sion given  in  his  Court.  Walter  Yonge,  in  a 
contemporary  diary,  gives  this  account  of  his 
assassination :  — 

*'  Sir  John  Tyndal,  one  of  the  masters  of  Chan- 
cery, was  shot  with  a  dagge  by  one  Mr  Bertram, 
an  old  gentleman  of  seventy  years  of  age,  for  mak- 
ing divers  reports  against  him  in  Chancery  to  the 
overthrow  of  Bertram,  his  wife  and  children." 

The  decision  which  provoked  this  groundless 
murder  involved  only  a  petty  sum,  —  scarce  two 
hundred  pounds.  The  murderer  was  at  once 
thrown  into  prison,  and  in  six  days  hanged 
himself  in  his  cell.  Sir  Thomas  Bacon,  Attor- 
ney-General to  the  Crown,  examined  the  case, 
and  wrote  to  the  King's  favorite  "  Steenie,"  the 

2 


A  PURITAN   WOOING 

Duke  of  Buckingham :  "  Sir  John  Tyndal  as  to 
his  cause  is  a  kind  of  martyr ;  for  if  ever  he 
made  a  just  report  in  his  life,  this  was  it." 
Margaret's  brother,  Arthur  Tyndal,  wrote  thus 
on  22d  November,  1616,  to  his  widowed  mother, 
of  his  father's  vindication  in  character :  — 

"  God  hath  wrought  wonderously  already  in  stop- 
ping the  mouthes  of  malicious  and  naughtie  people. 
Por  the  vilde  wretch  that  had  pretended  a  wrongs 
donne  to  him  by  my  father  and  labouring  to  main- 
tains it,  God  not  suffering  the  blood  of  his  saints 
to  lye  too  longe  unrevenged,  delivered  this  caitiffe 
over  to  Sathan,  in  a  most  marvellous  sort  dispair- 
inge  of  Gods  mercie.  All  the  grave  examiners  of 
that  business  proclaime  my  fathers  integritie  and 
say  if  it  had  been  theire  case  they  must  have  been 
subject  to  tlie  pistol  too,  for  they  would  have  done 
as  he  did." 

The  widowed  Lady  Anne  Tyndal  looked  with 
much  favor  on  John  Wintlirop's  courtship  of 
her  daughter  Margaret ;  for  his  uprightness  of 
life  and  his  earnest  religious  convictions  made 
him  a  suitor  welcome  to  any  tender  and  thought- 
ful mother,  and  his  beauty  of  cliaractcr  and  his 
affectionate  nature  made  him  equally  welcome 
as  a  lover  to  any  high-minded  and  loving 
woman. 

We  know  well  how  this  sober  but  eager  Puri- 
tan lover  looked,  what  manner  of  man  he  was; 

3 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

for  several  good  portraits  of  him  still  exist, — ■ 
portraits  showing  him  in  rich  but  sad-colored 
garments,  not  wearing  the  plain,  straight  fall- 
ing-band beloved  of  the  Puritans,  but  with  the 
more  ornamental,  more  worldly  neck-ruff.  The 
set  plaits  and  flaring  width  of  this  broad  neck- 
ruff  help  to  aid  in  his  likenesses  his  general 
resemblance  to  what  has  been  termed  the  Eliza- 
bethan type  of  features,  —  a  dignified,  refined, 
intellectual  expression,  common  to  portraits  of 
the  time  of  Elizabeth,  and  which,  as  shown  in 
the  countenance  of  Winthrop,  makes  him  seem 
almost  of  genetic  likeness  to  Shakespeare, 
Raleigh,  Bacon,  and  other  well-known  faces  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  His  flowing  locks  and 
sober  beard,  his  thoughtful  forehead  and  clear- 
cut  features,  combine  to  make  a  picture  which, 
even  at  first  glance,  is  unmistakably  that  of  a 
sincere  and  kindly  English  gentleman. 

Though  John  Wintlirop  might  be  deemed 
Elizabethan  in  expression  and  bearing,  we  know, 
from  the  testimony  of  his  life,  his  journal,  his 
letters,  that  he  was  not  Elizabethan  in  nature 
and  temper.  For  he  was  ever  orderly,  never 
capricious ;  he  had  an  intense  domestic  tender- 
ness, rather  than  the  broad  geniality  of  the 
Elizabethan  age ;  he  was  just,  rather  than  sym- 
pathetic ;  his  pulse  beat  with  an  equable  and 
firm  force,  never  with   the   bounding  delight 

4 


A  PURITAN   WOOING 

which  marked  the  Elizabethan  temperament. 
He  had  a  Christian  courteoiisness  rather  than 
a  cavalier  courtliness ;  he  was  reflective, 
self-restrained,  and  dignified,  but  always 
kind.  John  Milton  has  been  held  by  many  to 
be  the  noblest  type  of  a  Puritan.  I  think 
that  John  Winthrop,  as  seen  both  in  his  public 
career  and  his  domestic  life,  in  deeds  as  well 
as  words,  is  a  far  nobler  personification  of  the 
essential  spirit  and  flower  of  Puritanism. 

Early  in  the  progress  of  this  courtship  by 
this  noble  Puritan  wooer,  a  love-letter  was 
written,  which  fortunately  still  exists.  It  is 
a  love-letter  to  Margaret  Tyndal,  but  it  was 
not  written  to  her  by  her  lover,  but  by  her 
lover's  father,  Adam  Winthrop.  It  is  so 
quaint  in  expression,  so  tender  in  sentiment, 
so  winning,  that  it  certainly  occupies  a  unique 
position,  showing  us  what  a  delightful,  inter- 
esting old  courtier  a  Puritan  father-in-law 
could  be.  It  shall  be  given,  deservedly,  a 
first  place  among  the  love-letters  in  this 
account  of  ^largaret  Winthrop's  courting.  It 
is  written  in  Adam  Winthrop's  most  careful 
and  largest  hand,  and  evidently  with  a  new 
pen,  in  honor  to  the  "faire  ladye. "  It  is  as 
follows:  — 

I  am,  I  assure  you  (Gentle  Mistress  Margaret) 
alrerly  inflamed  with  a  fatherly  Love  and  affection 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

towardes  you;  the  w'^''  at  the  first  the  only  re- 
port of  your  modest  behaviour,  and  mielde  nature, 
did  breede  in  my  hearte;  but  iiowe  throughe 
the  manifest  tokens  of  your  true  love  &  con- 
stant minde  w"''  I  perceyve  to  be  settled  in  you 
towards  my  soonne,  the  same  is  exceedingly  in- 
creased in  mee.  So  that  I  cannot  abstaine  from 
expressinge  it  unto  you  by  my  pen  in  my  absence, 
w"^  my  tounge  and  mouthe  I  hoj^e  shal  shortely 
declare  unto  you  in  presence.  And  then  I  doute 
not,  but  I  shal  have  juste  cause  to  prayse  God  for 
you,  and  to  thincke  myselfe  happy,  that  in  my  olds 
age  I  shal  iujoye  the  familiar  company  of  so  vir- 
tuous and  loveing  a  daughter;  and  pass  the  residue 
of  my  dales  in  peace  and  quietnes.  For  I  have 
hetherto  had  greate  cause  to  magnifie  his  holy 
name  for  his  loving  kindenes  &  mercy  shewed  unto 
mee  in  my  children,  and  in  those  to  whom  they 
have  been  maried;  that  bothe  I  have  alwaies 
deerly  loved  and  affected  them,  and  they  also 
most  lovinglye  and  dutifully  have  used  mee.  And 
therefore  I  assure  you  (good  Mistress  Margaret) 
that  whatsoever  love  and  kindenes  you  shal  vouch- 
safe to  shewe  hereafter  unto  mee,  I  will  not  only 
requite  it  with  tTie  like,  but  also  to  the  utter  most 
of  my  power  redouble  the  same.  And  for  that  I 
would  fayne  make  it  a  little  parte  of  your  fayth 
to  beleeve,  that  you  shal  be  happye  in  matchinge 
w***  my  soonne.  I  doe  heere  faithfully  promise  for 
him  (in  the  presence  of  almighty  God)  that  he  will 
alwaies  be  a  most  kinde  and  lovinge  husbande  unto 
you  and  a  provident  stuarde  for  you  and  yours  dur- 
6 


A  PURITAN  WOOING 

ing  his  lyfe,  and  also  after  his  deathe.  Thus  with 
my  harty  comendacions  to  your  selfe,  and  to  the  good 
Lady  your  deere  mother,  confirminge  my  true  Love 
and  promise  unto  you,  by  a  token  of  a  smale  value, 
but  of  a  pure  substance  w*^""  I  sende  you  by  this  trusty 
bearer,  I  doe  leave  you  to  ye  protection  of  the  most 
mighty  Trinitye,  this  last  of  March  1618. 
Your  assured  frende, 

Adam  Winthrop. 

This  solemn  and  confident  assurance  of 
Adam  Winthrop  for  his  son  was  faithfully 
fuiniled.  John  Winthrop  was  indeed  a  "  most 
kinde  and  lovinge  husbande;"  and  Margaret 
Winthrop  was  truly  "happye  in  match inge  " 
with   him. 

There  also  still  exist  two  of  John  Winthrop's 
love-letters  to  his  "dearest  friend  and  most 
heartily  beloved  Mrs  Margaret  Tyndal. "  The}'' 
arc  very  long,  too  long  to  be  given  here  in  full ; 
but  portions  of  thom  must  be  quoted  to  show 
their  remarkable  Biblical  wording,  which  was 
so  characteristic  of  the  man  and  the  times. 
The  Puritan  was  a  "Scripturist  with  all  his 
heart. "  He  took  from  Scripture  his  faith,  his 
laws,  his  language,  often  even  his  names. 
The  historian  Green  says  the  Englishman  of 
that  day  wns  a  man  of  one  book,  and  that 
book  the  Bildc.  The  influence  of  this  con- 
stant reading  and  study  of  the  Bible  was 
7 


MARGARET    WINTIIROP 

plainly  shown  both  in  the  Puritan's  composi- 
tion and  his  forms  of  speech.  Our  ordinary 
conversation  to-day  is  full  of  unconscious 
quotation  from  modern  popular  authors,  — 
Dickens,  Thackeray,  Scott,  and  from  Shake- 
speare, Pope,  and  Dryden;  but  John  Winthrop 
and  his  friends  used  the  figures  of  speech  — 
the  very  words  —  of  their  only  universal  book, 
the  book  of  their  hearts,  the  Bible;  and  this 
familiar  adoption  of  Bible  imagery  and  poetic 
expression,  especially  as  shown  in  the  Apoc- 
alypse and  the  Prophets,  gave  a  certain 
nobility  of  form  and  ardour  of  wording,  par- 
ticularly in  matters  of  sentiment  or  deep  feel- 
ing, which  may  to-day  seem  sometimes  stilted 
or  over-forcible  and  occasionally  scarcely 
cognate,  but  never  trivial  or  commonplace. 

John  Winthrop  was  evidently  a  deep 
student  and  lover  of  the  books  of  the  Hagio- 
grapha,  especially  of  the  Song  of  Solomon; 
and  in  his  Christian  Experience,  —  a  curious 
and  touching  record  of  his  inmost  spiritual 
thoughts,  —  and  in  many  of  his  letters  to  his 
friends,  he  adopts  the  analogies  and  compari- 
sons of  that  book,  where  they  scarcely  seem 
so  well  adapted  as  in  his  love-letters.  The 
Song  of  Solomon  was  at  that  time  termed  in 
the  sacred  calendar  the  Canticle  of  Canticles, 
and  the  text  reference  in  the  letter,  "  Cant ; 

8 


A  PURITAN  WOOING 

2,"   is    to    that   title.     His    first    love-letter 
begins  thus : — 

"  Grace  mercie  &  peace,  «S:c; 

"My  onely  beloved  Spouse,  my  most  sweet 
friend,  &  faithfull  companion  of  my  pilgrimage,  the 
happye  &  hopefuU  supplie  (next  Christ  Jesus)  of 
my  greatest  losses,  I  wishe  thee  a  most  plentifull 
increase  of  all  true  comfort  in  the  love  of  Christ, 
w"'  a  large  &  prosperous  addition  of  whatsoever 
happynesse  the  sweet  estate  of  holy  wedlocke,  in 
the  kindest  societye  of  a  lovinge  husbande,  may 
afford  thee.  Beinge  filled  w"^  the  joye  of  thy 
love,  &  wantinge  opportunitye  of  more  familiar 
comunion  w*''  thee,  w"'^  my  heart  fervently  de- 
sires, I  am  constrained  to  ease  the  burthen  of 
my  minde  by  this  poore  helpe  of  my  scriblinge 
penne,  beinge  sufficiently  assured  that,  although 
my  presence  is  that  w*^''  thou  desirest,  yet  in  the 
want  thereof,  these  lines  shall  not  be  unfruitfull 
of  comfort  unto  thee.  And  now,  my  sweet  Love, 
lett  me  a  whyle  solace  my  selfe  in  the  remembrance 
of  our  love,  of  w*^*^  this  springe  tyme  of  acquaint- 
ance can  putt  forthe  as  yet  no  more  but  the  leaves 
&  blossomes,  whilest  the  fruit  lyes  wrapped  up  in 
the  tender  budd  of  hope;  a  little  more  patience 
will  disclose  this  good  fruit,  &  bringe  it  to  some 
maturitye;  let  it  be  o"^  care  &  labour  to  preserve 
these  hopefull  budds  from  the  beasts  of  the  fielde, 
&  from  frosts  &  other  injuryes  of  the  ayre,  least  o*" 
fruit  fall  off  ere  it  be  ripe,  or  lose  ought  in  the 
beautye  &  pleasantnesse  of  it;  Lett  us  pluck  up 
9 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

suche  nettles  &  thorns  as  would  defraud  o''  plants 
of  their  due  nourishment;  let  us  pruine  off  super- 
fluous branches;  let  us  not  sticke  at  some  labour  in 
wateringe  &  manuringe  them;  the  plentye  &  good- 
nesse  of  o'  fruit  shall  recompense  us  abundantly; 
o""  trees  are  planted  in  afruitfull  soyle;  the  grounde, 
&  patterne  of  o'  love,  is  no  other  but  that  between 
Christe  &  his  dear  spouse,  of  whom  she  speakes  as 
she  finds  him.  My  welbeloved  is  mine  &  I  am  his; 
Love  was  their  banqueting  house,  love  was  their 
wine,  love  was  their  ensigne;  (Cant;  2.)  love  was 
his  invitinges,  love  was  hir  fayntinges;  love  was 
his  apples,  love  was  hir  comforts;  love  was  his 
embracings,  love  was  hir  refreshinge;  love  made 
him  see  hir,  love  made  hir  seeke  him;  (Jer;  2.  2. 
Ezek;  16.)  love  made  him  wedd  hir,  love  made  her 
followe  him;  love  made  him  his  saviour,  love  makes 
hir  his  servant.  (Jo;  3.  16.  Deut;  10.  12.)  Love 
bred  o''  fellowshippe,  let  love  continue  it,  &  love 
shall  increase  it,  until  deathe  dissolve  it.  The 
prime  fruit  of  the  spirit  is  love;  (Gal;  5.  22.) 
truethe  of  Spirit  &  true  love:  abound  w***  the 
spirit,  &  abounde  w''^  love;  continue  in  the  spirit 
&  continue  in  love;  Christ  in  his  love  so  fill  o"' 
hearts  w'^  holy  hunger  &  true  appetite,  to  eate  & 
drinke  w*^  him  &  of  him  in  this  his  sweet  Love 
feast,  w*^**  we  are  now  preparing  unto,  that  when 
o"^  love  feast  shall  come,  Christ  Jesus  himselfe 
may  come  in  unto  us,  &  suppe  w*^  us,  &  we  w'*" 
him;  so  shall  we  be  merrye  indeed.  (0  my  sweet 
Spouse)  can  we  esteeme  eache  others  love,  as  worthy 
the  recompense  of  o"'  best  mutuall  affections,  &  can 

10 


A  PURITAN   WOOING 

we  not  discerne  so  muclie  of  Christs  exceedinge  & 
undeserved  love,  as  may  cheerfully  allure  us  to  love 
him  above  all?  He  loved  us  &  gave  himself  for  us; 
&  to  helpe  the  weaknesse  of  the  eyes  &  hande  & 
mouthe  of  o''  faithe,  ■vv'^'*  must  seeke  him  in  heaven 
where  he  is,  he  offers  himselfe  to  the  eyes,  hands 
&  mouthe  of  o""  bodye,  heere  on  earthe  where  he 
once  was.     The  Lord  increace  o'^  faithe." 

Margaret  Winthrop  did  not  say  of  this,  as 
of  a  later  letter,  that  it  served  as  a  sermon  to 
her,  but  she  might  well  have  done  so,  I 
select  two  paragraphs  from  a  second  letter  to 
show  that  some  opposition  was  made  to  the 
marriage  by  Margaret  Tyndal's  relatives,  — 
not  because  it  was  an  unequal  match,  but  sim- 
ply because  Adam  Winthrop  was  still  Lord  of 
the  Manor,  and  John  Winthrop's  income  was 
consequently  small,  and  his  power  of  settle- 
ment of  money  upon  a  wife  was  very  limited. 
John  Winthrop  was,  therefore,  without  fortune 
or  fame,  and  he  was  also  burdened  with  the 
expense  of  a  family  of  four  children. 

"By  this  w*^*^  I  have  allreadye  written  I  may 
seeme  to  confirrae  those  objections  w'=''  thy  friends 
have  moved,  &  to  grant  that  there  should  be  great 
causes  of  discouragement  offered  thee  in  outward 
respects;  But  I  trust  I  shall  make  it  appeare  that 
thou  shalt  have  no  wronge  or  disparagement  by 
matchinge  w"*  mo,  all  things  beingo  indifferently 
II 


MAEGARET   WINTIIROP 

considered;  I  confesse  it  is  possible  that  I  may  die 
verye  soone,  «&  then  thy  maintenance  for  a  while 
may  be  somewhat  lesse  then  convenient;  but  it  is 
more  likely  that  I  may  live  a  fewe  yeares  w'*'  thee, 
w'^''  will  certainly  better  thy  conditio.  But  whether 
I  live  longer  or  lesse  while,  I  can  lett  thee  see  how, 
w""  a  little  patience,  thy  meanes  may  be  better 
than  80"*  a  3'eare ;  yet  can  I  promise  no  more  for 
present  certaintye  then  I  have  formerly  acquainted 
thy  friends  w"";  neither  would  I  that  thou  shouldest 
make  this  knowne  to  them.  I  had  rather  that  they 
should  finde  it  then  expecte  it.  Whatsoever  shall 
be  wantinge  of  that  w"*^  thy  love  deserves,  my 
kindest  affection  shall  endeavour  to  supplie,  whilst 
I  live,  &  what  I  leave  unsatisfied  (as  I  never  hope 
to  be  out  of  thy  debt)  I  will  sett  over  to  Him  who 
is  able,  &  will  recompence  thee  to  the  full;  &  for 
the  present,  I  wish  thee  to  followe  the  prophets 
exhortatio  Psal;  27,  14.  Waite  on  the  Lord,  be  of 
good  courage,  &  he  shall  strengthen  thyne  heart; 
Waite  I  say  on  the  Lorde.   .    .   . 

"  Havinge  seariously  considered  of  that  unequall 
conflicte  w*^**  for  my  sake  thou  didst  lately  sustaine, 
&  wherein  yet,  (although  the  odds  were  great),  God 
beinge  on  thy  side,  thou  gatest  the  victorye,  I  have 
had  from  hence  a  large  provocatio  to  acknowledge 
Gods  providence  &  speciall  favour  towards  me,  &  to 
give  him  thankes  for  so  great  experience  as  hathe 
been  offred  me  heerby  of  thy  godlinesse,  love,  wis- 
dome,  «&  inviolable  constancie  ;  —  w*^**  as  in  itselfe 
it  deserves  all  approbatio,  so  in  me  it  is  of  suche 
vertue  as  the  more  I  thinke  of  it,  the  more  it  drawes 

12 


A  PURITAN    WOOINCf 

&  knitts  my  heart  unto  thee,  and  hathe  setled  that 
estimatio  of  thy  love  therein,  as  (I  am  truly 
persuaded)  nothinge  but  deathe  shall  aholishe  or 
diminishe  it.  Such  an  invincible  resolutio  could 
not  have  been  founds  in  a  poore  fraile  woman,  had 
not  thine  amies  been  strengthened  by  the  mightie 
God  of  Jacob.  He  it  was  w*^**  gave  an  other 
spirit  to  thj^selfe  &  that  good  Lady  thy  mother, 
w*^  Caleb  &,  Josuah,  constantly  to  followe  the  Lord 
against  all  the  discouragements  of  the  greater 
parte,  —  yea  when  my  selfe,  too  cowardly  &  un- 
kindly ioyned  amies  w"'  thine  opposers  against  thee ; 
But  nowe  doe  I  knowe  that  thou  lovest  me,  <k 
heerby  we  ma}^  bothe  be  fully  assured  that  this 
thinge  comethe  of  the  Lorde  Therefore  it  is  my 
desire  to  conhrme  th}*^  heart  iu  this  resolutio;  not 
that  I  feare  any  change  (farre  be  suche  a  thought 
from  me)  but  for  that  I  wishe  thee  a  large  additio 
of  comfort  to  thy  constancie,  w***  may  mollifie  & 
heale  up  the  scarres  of  such  wounds  as  may  yet 
remaine  of  thy  late  conflicte.  And  now  I  will 
take  lib"*  to  deale  freely  w"*  thee  since  there  is 
no  need  of  persuasio,  nor  any  feare  of  suspitio  of 
iiaterye;  <fe  let  me  tell  thee  that  as  thou  hast  doone 
worthyly  &  Christiaiily,  so  thou  hast  doone  no  other- 
wise than  became  thee  being  one  professinge  to  feare 
God  Si,  beleeve  in  him ;  for  (what  so  ever  I  am  or 
may  be,  j'et)  beinge,  in  thy  accompt,  a  servant  of 
God  &  one  that  thou  mightest  well  hope  to  be 
furthered  to  heaven  by  (Amen  I  say),  &,  beinge 
off  red  unto  thee  by  God,  &  thy  selfe  beinge  as 
warrantably  called  to  embrace  the  oi)portunitye  as 
13 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

a  woman  might  be,  I  see  not  how  thou  couldst  have 
had  peace  to  thine  owne  heart  if  thou  hadst  refused 
it;  but  thou  mightest  iustlj^  have  feared  least,  for 
w^'^drawinge  th}'  heart  from  God  «&  leaninge  to  thine 
owne  reason,  he  should  have  given  thee  over  to  some 
suche  matche  as  should  have  proved  a  plauge  to  thy 
soule  all  thy  dayes ;  Let  worldly  minds  that  savour 
not  the  things  of  God,  &  that  indeed  have  no  parte 
or  portion  in  the  least  of  Gods  promises,  bende  all 
their  care  &studye  to  secure  themselves  of  an  earthly 
happinesse;  let  them  make  sure  of  great  portions 
w*^  their  wives  &  large  loyntures  from  their  hus- 
bands; they  doe  but  their  kinde  &  I  confesse  it 
concernes  them  very  muche  to  looke  especially  to 
suche  things,  for  there  is  nothing  else  w"'^  they 
can  have  comfort  or  happinesse  in,  havinge  no 
parte  in  Christ  &  beinge  strangers  from  the 
covenant  of  grace." 

In  order  to  show  fully  the  Puritan  methods 
of  courtship  I  think  I  may  compare  these 
letters  specially  and  very  naturally  with 
another  love-letter  written  at  exactly  the  same 
date  by  a  fellow -barrister  of  Winthrop's.  The 
two  lawyers  were  both  Puritans,  in  similar 
circumstances  in  life,  of  equal  social  position, 
and  Serjeant  Erasmus  Earle  rose  under 
Cromwell  to  a  dignified  position  in  his  pro- 
fession. Serjeant  Earle  wrote  frequently  to 
his  sweetheart,  who,  like  Margaret  Tyndal, 
lived  out  of  London  in  the  country,  and  his 
u 


A  PURITAN   WOOING 

letters  are  deeply  affectionate  and  are  always 
kind;  but  they  lack  the  beautiful  religious 
sentiment  which  marks  John  Winthrop's 
letters,  and  they  do  not  compare  with  the 
latter  in  point  of  literary  style,  for  they  are 
sometimes  stilted  in  expression,  often  touched 
■with  euphuism,  and  are  disfigured  with  legal 
conceits.  The  earlier  letters  were  in  neatly 
printed  characters,  not  in  writing,  showing 
that  Frances  Fontayne,  who  was  afterwards 
Mrs.  Earle,  was  no  great  scholar;  but  also 
presenting  to  posterity  an  easily  deciphered 
page,  thereby  a  speaking  and  grateful  contrast 
to  some  of  John  Winthrop's  bewilderingly 
hieroglyphic  epistles. 

I  quote  one  of  the  most  pleasing  and  least 
affected  of  Serjeant  Earle's  love-letters:  — 

If  I  could  and  durst  (my  worthelye  best 
beloved)  by  these  beuraying  letters  reveale  my 
love  and  anatomies  my  restles  passions,  I  am 
assured  that  then  the  siuceritie  of  my  love,  the 
localitie  of  my  thoii;?hts,  and  the  unmoveablenes 
of  my  affection  would  move  thee  to  pittJe,  if  not 
purchase  favour  of  thee  for  me  that  most  dearlie 
love  thee.  But  fearinge  to  comitte  such  secrets  to 
these  longe  tongued  papers,  I  leave  thee  to  suppose 
of  that  which  T  neather  can,  uoe,  nor  dare  discover 
but  to  thy  trustie  selfe;  earnestlie  intreatinge 
thee  that  as  thou  art  most  lovelie  soe  thou  wouldst 
be  most  lovinge;  and  that  as  thou  art  full  of  favour 
ir. 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

soe  tliou  wouldst  be  favourable  to  him  whoe  hath 
placed  his  sole  happines  in  thy  favour,  and  devoted 
and  vowed  himselfe  onlie  to  please  and  pleasure 
thee.  For  the  platform  of  love  is  able  to  receive 
but  one  impression;  and  seeinge  that  love  liketh 
without  exception,  lett  the  smallnes  of  my  estate 
be  countervailed  with  the  greatnes  of  my  love; 
and  albeit  I  have  not  wherewithal!  to  enriche  thee 
yet  happily  my  meane  estate  may  yield  thee  con- 
tent. Blame  me  not  (0,  my  love)  if  my  tedious- 
nes  prove  troublesome,  for  soe  has  the  exquisite- 
nes  of  thy  outward  lineaments,  and  the  excellence 
of  thy  inward  virtues  inthralled  me  that  (I  must 
confesse)  I  onlie  thinke  that  time  well  bestowed 
which  I  spend  in  meditatinge  and  admiringe  thy 
perfections.  I  have  by  this  gentleman,  my  cosen, 
sent  thee  a  token  which  thoughe  in  itselfe  be  not 
worthy  thy  receavinge  yett  I  hope  for  thy  gentle 
acceptance,  but  desire  not  any  from  thee  unless  it 
be  uppon  some  other  occasion,  than  the  losse  of 
thyselfe;  thou  knowest  my  meanynge.  But  not 
darringe  so  farre  to  presume  upon  thy  patience  I 
take  my  leave  desiringe  thee  to  remember  my  love 
to  all  thy  sisters  in  general,  but  especiallie  to  thy 
sister  Palgrave  to  whomme  next  unto  thyselfe  I 
owe  all  love  and  due  respect.  And  thus  restinge 
restless,  until  I  rest  dearest  in  thy  favour,  wishing 
thee  all  thy  wishes,  I  end 

Thine  more  trulie  than  mine  owne 

Erasmus  Earle. 

This    letter   smells   rather  too  strongly  of 
midnight  oil  to  prove  a  very  graceful  incense 

16 


A  PURITAN   WOOING 

of  love;  but  love-letters  were  in  those  days 
seldom  emotional  and  unstudied  effusions, 
but  instead  carefully  arranged  and  labored 
epistles.  They  appear  to  have  been  highly 
satisfactory,  however,  to  the  recipients,  and  a 
matter  of  much  honest  pride  to  the  writers. 
We  find  another  Puritan,  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes 
(doubtless  a  friend  of  Winthrop,  since  he  mar- 
ried Anne  Clopton,  of  the  family  of  Thomasine 
Clopton,  Winthrop's  second  wife),  who  also 
felt  his  love-letter  of  enough  importance  to  be 
inserted  in  his  autobiography;  and  I  think 
myself  that  the  sentences  are  very  prettily 
turned.  He  says  they  are  "  the  only  lines  sent 
during  my  wooing-time  and  but  short. " 

Fairest,  —  Blest  is  the  heart  and  hand  that  sin- 
cerely sends  these  meaner  lines,  if  another  heart 
and  eye  graciously  deign  to  pity  the  wound  of  the 
first  and  numbness  of  the  latter;  and  thus  may  this 
other  poor  inclosed  carcanet,  if  not  adorn  the  purer 
neck,  yet  lie  hidden  in  the  private  cabinet  of  her 
whose  humble  sweetness  and  sweet  humility  de- 
serves the  justest  honour,  the  greatest  thankfulness. 
Nature  made  stones,  but  opinion  —  jewels;  this 
without  your  milder  acceptance  and  opinion  will 
prove  neither  stone  nor  jewel.  Do  but  enhappy  him 
that  sent  it,  in  the  ordinary  use  of  it,  who  thougli 
unworthy  of  liimself,  resolves  to  continue  your 
humblest  servant. 

SiMOXDS  D'EWKS. 
2  17 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

It  is  very  evident  that  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewes 
was  specially  proud  of  his  epistolary  produc- 
tions; for,  writing  afterwards  to  his  wife,  he 
asks  her  to  treasure  his  letters  carefully  and 
send  them  back  to  him.  But  perhaps  he  only 
saved  them  as  he  saved  everything  else ;  for 
this  lover,  who  boasted  his  wife  had  the 
smallest  foot  of  any  woman  in  England,  was 
an  inveterate  hoarder  and  antiquary,  one  of 
the  "dry-as-dusts,"  of  whom  Carlyle  speaks 
so  contemptuously,  but  to  whom  I  can  never 
express  enough  gratitude. 

It  may  be  seen,  by  comparison  of  these 
letters,  that  Puritans  differed  in  temperament 
and  address,  as  might  Jew  from  Christian; 
yet  the  letters  of  all  show  unmistakably  the 
wording  and  phrasing  of  the  times,  and  could 
never  be  taken  for  nineteenth-century  love- 
missives. 

Now,  having  shown  the  sober  expressions  of 
love  of  those  of  Puritan  faith  and  seventeenth- 
century  training,  and  the  special  influences 
upon  the  life  of  Margaret  Tyndal  during  her 
girlhood  and  her  wooing,  let  me  begin  the  life 
of  Margaret  Winthrop  with  her  marriage  in 
April,  1618. 


18 


n 

MAKGAKET  WINTHROP'S  HOME 

The  house  at  Groton  Manor,  to  which  John 
Winthrop  carried  his  wife  on  the  24th  of 
April,  1618,  is  no  longer  standing.  The 
manor  had  been  granted  to  Adam  Winthrop 
for  the  sum  of  four  hundred  pounds,  at  the 
dissolution  of  the  monasteries  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  YIIL,  and  the  house  was  one  of  the 
ordinary  manor-houses  of  the  day.  A  plan  of 
its  ground-floor  shows  hall,  parlor,  brew-house, 
bakehouse,  etc.  In  it  were  living,  at  the  time 
of  this  marriage,  Adam  Winthrop  the  second 
(the  father  of  John  Winthrop)  and  his  wife 
Anne,  the  daughter  of  Henry  Browne,  of 
Edwardston,  a  neighboring  village.  Anne 
Winthrop  was  an  industrious  and  devoted 
wife,  a  tender  mother,  an  intelligent  writer, 
as  her  letters  show,  and  a  good  French 
scholar.  Their  daughter  Lucy,  a  girl  of 
eighteen,  was  then  unmarried,  and  was  also 
at  the  Groton  home.  Adam  Winthrop  was  a 
serjeant-at-law,   a    lawyer,    but    not    of    large 

19 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

practice.  He  filled  for  sixteen  years  the 
dignified  position  of  auditor  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  and  he  was  for  nearly  the  same 
time  auditor  of  St.  John's  College.  The 
impression  conveyed  of  him,  through  every 
conscious  and  unconscious  record  that  remains 
of  his  life,  is  that  of  a  genial,  gentle,  and 
intelligent  Christian.  A  diary  of  his  has 
been  preserved;  and  while  the  entries  are 
scarcely  more  than  meagre  suggestions  of 
events,  they  show  as  a  whole  his  life  of  simple 
dignity  and  usefulness,  and  they  reveal  also 
the  customs  of  his  day  and  country.  Some 
are  purely   domestic :  — 

"The  2  of  Jan.  Mr  Mammocke  sent  me  iii 
yardes  of  Satten  for  a  token  of  this  nue  yeare." 

"This  day  my  brother  did  kill  a  brock  with  his 
hounds.  The  xxiith  of  August  I  dragde  my  great 
pond  and  took  out  xxv  great  Carpes. 

"The  22  day  of  Aprill  Grymble  my  great  mas- 
tiffe  was  hanged,  a  gentle  dog  in  the  house  but 
eyes  oft  blind. 

"The  V  day  Charles  had  his  livery  cote. 

"My  brother  Alibaster  came  to  my  house  & 
toulde  me  yt  he  mayde  certayne  inglish  verses  in 
his  sleep,  which  he  recited  unto  me  &  I  lent  him 

£XL." 

Others  refer  to  his  riding  to  Cambridge  to 
attend  auditors'  meetings  and  to  Commence 

20 


MARGARET    WINTHROP'S  HOME 

ment.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge  was  not  far  from  Groton 
Manor ;  and  even  had  the  distance  been  greater, 
it  would  have  been  made  on  horseback,  for 
bridle-paths  were  very  good  in  those  days  in 
those  counties,  while  of  carriage-roads  there 
were  none  in  what  Avould  to-day  be  deemed 
even  passable  condition.  Some  entries  tell  of 
his  keeping  court-lcet  and  court-baron,  the 
domestic  courts  of  the  day.  Others  note  the 
public  events  of  his  times,  —  the  death  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  the  ride  of  King  James 
through  the  city  of  London,  his  visit  to 
Cambridge,  the  great  processions,  the  King's 
proclamation  that  England  and  Scotland  be 
named  Great  Britain;  but  records  of  this 
latter  class  are  not  so  frequent  nor  so  full 
as  might  be  expected.  We  must  remember 
that  the  first  English  newspaper,  The  Diurnal 
Occurrences,  was  not  printed  till  1040-4:1; 
hence  Adam  Winthrop  had  no  method  of 
knowing  many  details  of  public  events,  save 
by  letter  or  word  of  mouth. 

We  also  learn  from  the  old  journal  of 
friendly  and  state  visits  made  and  received  by 
the  Groton  household,  by  every  one  who  had 
what  old  Judge  Sewall  called  "a  smell  of 
relation,"  —  from  the  Mildmays,  Sir  Joseph 
Deane,     Sir     Isaac     Appleton,     Sir     Robert 

21 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Crane,  the  Brownes,  Cloptons,  Gurdons,  Alibas- 
ters,  and  other  gentlefolk  in  the  neighborhood, 
among  them  some  men  of  note. 

The  county  of  Suffolk  was  ever  the  birth- 
place of  men  of  deep  thought  and  intelligence, 
■ —  such  men  as  Cardinal  Wolsey,  and  Eliza- 
beth's lord  keeper,  Lord  Bacon.  Quoth  Queen 
Elizabeth  most  ungraciously,  during  a  Royal 
Progress  through  Devon  (after  having  been 
recently  through  Suffolk  and  Essex) :  "  I  now 
understand  the  saying,  '  The  Wise  Men  came 
from  the  East. '  " 

Among  families  of  note  and  intelligence  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Groton  were  the  Mild- 
mays,  —  relatives  of  the  Winthrops,  and  per- 
haps the  most  influential  family  in  all  Essex, 
for  nine  splendid  county-seats  were  at  that 
time  owned  by  different  members  of  the  family. 
Sir  William  Mildmay  had  "quickened  the 
death-agonies  of  the  monasteries,"  and  his 
family  grew  great  with  the  spoil. 

Winthrop's  sister  Alice  married  Sir  Thomas 
Mildmay,  of  Graces.  Their  son.  Sir  Henry 
Mildmay,  married  first  the  daughter  of  Sir 
William  Harris,  then  Amy  Gurdon  of  Assing- 
ton,  of  a  family  long  intimate  with  the 
Winthrops  and  kin  to  the  Saltonstalls.  Gov- 
ernor Gurdon  Saltonstall  of  Connecticut  was 
an    American   scion   of  that   English   family 

22 


MARGARET   WINTHROP'S  HOME 

tree.  Between  the  Lady  Amy  ^lildmay  and 
her  fond  old  uncle  Adam  Wintlirop,  there 
existed  a  deep  affection,  which  showed  itself 
in  some  of  the  quaintest  letters  I  have  ever 
read.  They  arc  found  carefully  copied  into 
Adam  Winthrop's  Commonplacc-Book.  They 
abound  in  such  affectionate  and  antiquated, 
expressions  as  these:  "Most  loveing  Neece, 
most  worthye  to  be  loved  and  honored  alwaics 
by  mec;  I  received  pure  honye  and  not  bare 
wordes  in  the  lettre  which  you  sent  to  mee." 
"Mostkinde  Ladic  Yor  sweete  lettres  cominge 
from  the  aboundance  of  yor  love  were  joycfully 
received  into  the  closet  of  my  best  affections." 
She  in  turn  reiterated  her  deep  love  and 
respect  for  him.  These  letters  add  to  the 
pleasing  notion  we  have  of  Adam  Winthrop's 
character,  to  his  charming  personality;  and  his 
courtliness  is  proved  in  some  verses  which  he 
made  for  his  "  most  loveing  ncece  "  at  the 
birth  of  her  son  Ilonry.  Though  the  author 
says,  "from  old  and  barren  braynes  these 
verses  rude  doe  fall,"  we  can  find  nothing 
rude  in  them,  but  read  between  the  lines 
further  evidence  of  his  tenderness.  This 
child  Henry,  thus  sung  in  Adam  "Winthrop's 
verse,  lived  to  become  one  of  the  Regicide 
Judges  (as  did  John  Gurdon,  Amy  Mildmay's 
brother);   but   he    did    not   sign    the    famous 

23 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

death-warrant  (since  a  sufficient  number  signed 
before  him),  hence  he  was  not  executed,  but 
was  only  sentenced  "  to  be  drawn  on  a  hurdle 
under  the  gallows  on  a  sledge  every  30th  of 
January."     He     lived    at    Wansted     House, 
Essex,  and  died  abroad  after  a  varied  career. 
Those  who  wish  to  learn  of  it  may  read  the 
autobiography    of    his     implacable     political 
enemy  Sir  John  Bramstone.     A   portrait   of 
him  exists,  painted  after  death  to  prove  his 
decease.     Sir   Thomas  Mildmay,   his   father, 
was   the   son  of    Sir  William    Mildmay,    the 
founder  of  Emanuel  College,   Cambridge,  the 
nursing-mother    of    Puritans.     Its    influence 
was  foreseen  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  said  to 
Sir  William,  then  her  Chancellor  of  Exchequer 
(one   of  the   most   important   officers   in   the 
realm),  "I  hear  you  have  erected  a  Puritan 
foundation."     He  answered  her  that  he  could 
ever  do  naught  but  what  was  her  wish  and 
the  law  of  her  kingdom,  but  he  had  planted 
an  acorn,  "and  who  could  tell  what  the  full 
grown  oak  would  bear?  "    The  branches  of  that 
oak  indeed  spread  wide,  and  its  fruit  fell  in 
New  England  soil ;  a  large  proportion  of  the 
Puritan  ministers  who  came  to  New  England 
were  graduates  of  Emanuel  College. 

In  such  high-minded  and  intelligent  com- 
panionship,    in     such     essentially     Puritan 

24 


MARGARET   WINTHROP'S  HOME 

influences,  was  John  Winthrop  reared,  and 
the  early  years  of  Margaret  Winthrop's 
married  life  were  passed.  An  interesting 
token  and  memento  of  these  happy  years,  and 
of  what  Carlyle  calls  this  "coiisinry"  still 
exists,  and  is  now  in  the  rooms  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society  of  Worcester, 
Mass., — a  stone  pot  to  which  this  quaint 
label  is  attached :  — 

"At  ye  Feast  of  S'  Michael  An°  1G07  my  Sister 
ye  Lady  Mildinay,  did  give  me  a  Stone  Pot  tipped 
and  covered  w"'  a  Silver  Lydd." 

It  was  given  to  the  Society  by  William  Win- 
throp, the  great-great-great-grandson  of  Mar- 
garet Winthrop,  and  last  surviving  son  of  Prof. 
John  Winthrop.  It  is  of  much  value  as  a 
ceramic  specimen,  as  well  as  of  historical  inter- 
est. Its  lid  bears  a  very  crudely  designed  en- 
graving of  Adam  and  Eve  and  the  Tree  of  Life. 

The  country  around  Margaret  Winthrop's 
new  home  at  Groton  differed  little  from  that 
of  "Muche  Maplestead."  The  scenery  had  a 
quiet,  peaceful  home  beauty  which  has  been 
made  familiar  to  us  in  the  canvases  of  Con- 
stable and  Gainsborough,  who  were  both 
Suffolk  men,  — the  latter  born  at  Sudbury,  but 
a  few  miles  from  Margaret  Winthrop's  home. 
Constable  delighted  to  paint  the  green  marsh- 

25 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

lands,  with  their  rank  elders  and  willows,  and 
the  rich  fields,  which  showed  in  his  day,  to 
use  Carlyle's  words,  "marks  of  comfortable 
long-continued  cultivation."  The  cows  of 
Constable  are  the  hornless  Suffolk  breed. 
Even  in  Winthrop's  day  Suffolk  was  a  "  com- 
fortable "  farm  land,  and  it  was  the  first 
English  county  to  enclose  its  commons,  making 
"  Suffolk  stiles  "  a  proverb.  Thomas  Tusser, 
in  his  Comparison  of  Counties,  written  in 
1579,  cites  Suffolk  as  plainly  showing  in  its 
plentiful  mutton,  beef,  butter,  and  cheese  the 
benefits  of  enclosed  fields.  Old  Thomas  Fuller 
wrote  of  Suffolk :  — - 

"The  air  thereof  is  generally  sweet,  and  by  the 
best  physicians  esteemed  the  best  in  England, 
often  prescribing  the  receipt  thereof  to  consump- 
tionish  patients.  I  say  generally  sweet,  there 
being  a  small  parcel  near  the  sea  shore  not  so 
excellent,  which  may  seem  left  there  b}'^  Nature  on 
purpose  to  advance  the  purity  of  the  rest." 

In  the  low-lying  wet  portions  near  the  shore, 
agues  prevailed.  John  Wiuthrop's  family, 
far  inland,  were  oft  sufferers  therefrom;  for 
even  there  the  land  was,  as  one  writer  said, 
of  a  "somewhat  dropsical  character." 

The  chief  natural  commodities  at  that  day 
were  butter  and  cheese.  "  Suffolk  milk  "  was 
a  proverbial  expression  in   England  for   the 

26 


MARGARET    WINTHROP'S  HOME 

best  milk.  The  chief  manufacture  was  cloth- 
ing, or  we  should  now  say  cloth,  since  the 
word  clothing  is  at  present  applied  to  made- 
up  garments.  The  wool-working  Flemings 
settled  early  in  Suffolk,  and  were  encouraged 
in  their  "art  and  mystery  "  by  Edward  III. 
and  his  Queen  Philippa  of  Hainault,  daughter 
of  the  Count  of  Holland  and  Hainault.  Says 
one  monastic  chronicler,  "Ever  blessed  be 
Philippa  who  first  invented  clothes. "  In  this 
he  did  not  intend  to  cast  doubt  upon  the  pre- 
tensions of  Adam  and  Eve  to  the  honor  uni- 
versally acceded  to  them,  but  simply  used 
the  old-time  form  of  the  word  cloth.  In  Sud- 
bury, near  Groton,  these  Dutch  and  Flemish 
weavers  settled,  who  first  brought  the  industry 
of  cloth- weaving  into  the  country.  The  names 
"kersey"  and  "linsey-woolsey"  come  from 
the  names  of  the  Suffolk  towns  of  Kersey 
and  Lindscy.  Weaver,  in  his  Funeral  Monu- 
ments, notes  the  rich  brasses  and  monuments 
erected  in  Suffolk  to  the  memory  of  wealthy 
clothiers.  i\[any  of  the  most  beautiful  ones 
were,  alas,  destroyed  by  that  Puritun  icono- 
clast. Will  Dowsing,  in  1643,  in  the  senseless 
destruction  of  organs,  painted  windows,  etc., 
and  other  "Popish  idols"  in  English  cathe- 
drals and  churches.  Dowsing  destroyed  thirty 
brasses    in    the    church    of    All    Hallows    in 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Sudbuiy.  The  beautiful  and  spacious  Laven- 
ham  church,  near  Groton,  was  built  by 
Thomas  Spring,  the  "rich  clothier,"  a  kins- 
man of  the  Winthrops.  It  stands  now  in  a 
mean  little  village  of  few  houses,  Adam 
Winthrop,  grandfather  of  John  Winthrop, 
held  a  distinguished  position  in  the  famous 
Clothworkers  Company  of  London.  He  was 
steward,  warden,  and  finally  master.  A  por- 
trait of  him  is  extant,  in  furred  gown  and 
citizen's  cap,  showing  a  countenance  indica- 
tive of  intelligence  and  fearlessness.  Wool 
was  then  the  principal  staple  of  Great  Britain, 
as  well  it  might  be,  foi-  till  the  reign  of  Henry 
VIII.  English  garments  from  head  to  foot 
were  wholly  of  wool,  even  the  shoes.  Thomas 
Fuller  said,  "The  wealth  of  our  nation  is 
folded  up  in  broadcloth."  Wool  was  even 
currency.  In  Skelton's  day  Eleanor  Rumynge, 
the  alewife,  thus  received  payment :  — 

'  Some  fill  their  pot  full 
Of  good  Lemster  wool." 

The  manufacture  of  wool  was  the  principal 
industry  of  England,  and  its  trade  was  guarded 
by  severe  laws.  Knight,  in  his  History  of 
England,  refers  to  the  cloth-workers  of  Suf- 
folk as  resisting  successfully  royal  attempts 
to  unjustly  tax  their  manufactures. 

28 


MARGARET  WINTHROP'S  HOME 

The  county  of  Suffolk  had  another  claim  to 
renown.  The  women  of  the  shire  had  such 
a  reputation  for  beauty  that  the  expression 
"  Suffolk  fair  maids  "  became  the  third  Suffolk 
proverb.  Thomas  Fuller  gallantly  said :  "  The 
God  of  nature  hath  been  bountiful  in  giv- 
ing them  beautiful  complexions,  which  I  am 
willing  to  believe  so  far  forth  as  it  fixeth  not 
a  comparative  disparagement  on  the  same  sex 
in  other  counties. " 

The  native  of  Massachusetts  who  chances  to 
travel  to-day  through  these  counties  of  Suffolk 
and  Essex  in  England,  perchance  seeking  the 
old  homes  of  his  ancestors  and  traces  of  their 
life,  has  within  him  a  certain  sense  of  famil- 
iarity, of  topographical  kinship,  a  home- 
feeling,  when  he  finds  lying  around  him  the 
towns  of  Ipswich,  Hadleigh,  Groton,  Haver- 
hill, Rowley,  Medfield,  Braintree,  Danbury, 
Maiden,  Billerica,  Waltham,  Dedham,  Nor- 
wich, Hingham,  and  others  of  Massachusetts 
nomenclature.  The  town  of  Sudbury  lies  half- 
way between  Groton  Manor  and  Great  Maple- 
stead.  These  English  towns  were  the  mothers, 
but  many  of  the  New  England  daughters  have 
outgrown  their  forbears.  Old  New  England 
family  names  are  equally  common,  even  as 
seen  upon  shop-signs  when  passing  places  of 
business,  and    also   as  found   in  church  and 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

town  records,  —  such  names  as  Eliot,  Curtis, 
Heath,  Haynes,  Gore,  Sherman,  Coggcshall, 
Fiske,  Gurdon,  Morse,  Aspinwall,  Appleton, 
and  scores  of  others.  The  name  of  Winthrop 
is  not  found  in  Groton,  save  on  mouldering 
tombstones  and  on  the  tablets  in  the  village 
church. 

There  were  four  children  of  John  Winthrop 
in  this  home  to  which  he  brought  his  third 
wife,  —  the  oldest,  John,  of  whom  we  shall 
hear  much  in  this  story  of  Margaret's  life; 
Henry  and  Forth,  who  died  childless ;  and 
Mary,  who  married  Samuel  Dudley  in  New 
England. 

These  were  the  children  of  the  first  wife, 
Mary  Forth,  daughter  and  sole  heiress  of  John 
Forth,  Esq.,  of  Great  Stambridge  in  County 
Essex.  She  was  twenty-one  when  John 
Winthrop  married  her,  and  he  was  but  seven- 
teen years  and  three  months.  He  was  only 
eighteen  when  his  son  was  born.  He  says,  in 
his  Christian  Experience :  — 

''About  eighteen  years  of  age,  being  a  man  in 
stature  and  understanding,  as  my  parents  conceived 
me,  I  married  into  a  family  under  Mr.  Culverwell 
his  ministry  in  Essex  ;  and  living  there  sometimes 
I  first  found  the  ministry  of  the  word  come  home 
to  my  heart  with  power,  for  in  all  before  I  only 
found  light." 

30 


MARGARET   WIXTHROP'S   HOME 

John  Winthrop  wrote  of  his  wife  Mary  that 
she  was  "  a  right  godly  woman ; "  but  there 
are  no  letters  of  hers  among  the  family  papers 
to  indicate  her  character  and  traits  save 
one  little  note  addressed  to  her  "sweet  hus- 
band," and  of  interest  only  because  it  was 
treasured  by  her  son  John ;  but  her  children 
have  risen  up  and  called  her  blessed. 

There  had  been  a  second  wife,  Thomasine 
Clopton,  who  had  lived  but  a  year  and  a  day, 
and  whose  child  had  died  shortly  after  its 
birth.  She  was  the  daughter  of  "William 
Clopton,  Esq.,  of  Castleins,  a  seat  near 
Groton,  and  she  was  of  a  family  high  in  social 
rank  and  distinction.  Its  glories  have  been 
sung  by  Sir  Simonds  D'Ewcs  in  his  auto- 
biography. Among  the  Winthrop  papers  was 
found  a  most  touching  narration  of  the  death 
of  Thomasine  Winthrop  in  the  handwriting 
of  her  husband. 

One  curious  custom  of  that  century  may  be 
noted  in  this  recital,  —  that  of  tolling  the  pass- 
ing-bell. This  was  done,  not  to  indicate  the 
death  of  a  person,  but  while  they  were  sup- 
posed to  be  dying,  or,  as  Nollekens  said,  "going 
from  this  world  to  another  place."  A  grue- 
some feature  of  this  custom  was  that  in  the 
uncertainty  of  life  and  of  death  the  bell  often 
tolled  when  the  sick  person  did  not  die,  as  is 

31 


MARGARET    WINTHROP 

shown  in  several  entries  in  Adam  Winthrop's 
diary :  — 

'^602.  The  27  day  in  the  mornyng  the  Bell 
did  goe  for  mother  Tiffeyn  but  she  recoured. 

''1603.  The  vii'*'  of  April  Roht  Surrey's  wife 
lay  speechless  &  the  bell  went  for  her  but  she  died 
the  xviij"'. 

''The  bell  went  for  Mr  Clopton.  But  he 
Recovered." 

In  the  touching  account  of  the  death  of 
Thomasine  Winthrop,  we  read  of  the  dying 
woman :  — 

"  She  desired  that  the  bell  mights  ringe  for  hir, 
and  diverse  of  the  neighbours  came  in  to  hir, 
which  when  she  perceived  she  desired  me  that  they 
might  come  to  hir  one  by  one  and  so  she  would 
speake  to  them  all,  which  she  did  as  they  came, 
comfortably  and  quietly.  When  the  bell  beganne 
to  ringe,  some  said  it  was  the  4  o'clock  bell,  but 
she  conceeivinge  that  they  sought  to  conceale  it 
from  hir,  that  it  did  ringe  for  hir,  she  said  it 
needed  not,  for  it  did  not  troble  hir." 

Thomasine  "Winthrop  did  not  die  until 
forty-eight  hours  after  the  bell  from  the  square 
tower  of  the  parish  church  of  Groton  had 
sadly  tolled  her  passing. 

Her  husband's  account  of  her  last  sickness 
is  strikingly  similar  to  the  account  given  by 
another  Puritan,  Philip  Stubbes,  of  the  death 

32 


MARGARET  WINTHROP'S  HOME 

of  his  wife  Katherine.  Both  died  of  a  fever, 
a  burning  ague,  after  the  birth  of  their  first 
child.  The  prayers  to  God,  the  admonitions 
to  surrounding  friends,  tlie  exultant  confes- 
sion of  faith,  and  the  wonderful  and  realistic 
conflict  with  Satan  through  brunt  of  tempta- 
tion on  the  very  eve  of  death  are  the  same  in 
both  narrations.  Both  were  young,  Katherine 
Stubbes  but  eighteen ;  both  of  gentle,  simple, 
God-fearing  lives,  with  no  thought  or  deed  of 
wrong;  and  the  account  of  their  lives  and 
deaths,  as  given  by  their  grieving  husbands, 
is,  to  use  Mr.  Furnivall's  words,  "grateful 
to  the  mind,  notwithstanding  the  dark  back- 
ground of  hard  religionism."  But  the  ac- 
counts have  one  great  difference:  that  of 
Katherine  Stubbes  was  for  publication  in  a 
tract  called  A  Christian  Glas  for  Christian 
Women,  which  had  a  widespread  circulation 
and  large  publication,  and  is  slightingly 
referred  to  in  many  plays,  —  in  Cartwright's 
The  Ordinary  (1634),  Richard  Browne's  The 
Antipodes  (1638),  etc.  John  Winthrop's 
tender  story  was  written  only  for  his  own 
eye,  in  sad  memory  of  a  dearly  loved  girl- 
wife,  and  it  was  not  made  public  till  two 
centuries  after  his  death.  His  account  ends 
with  this  tribute  to  her  character:  — 

3  33 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

"She  was  a  woman  wise,  modest,  lovinge  and 
patient  of  injuries;  but  hir  innocent  and  harmless 
life  was  of  most  observation.  She  was  truly  reli- 
gious and  industrious  therein ;  plaine  hearted  and 
free  from  guile  and  very  humble  minded;  never  so 
adicted  to  any  outward  thinges  (in  my  judgment) 
but  that  she  could  bringe  hir  affections  to  stoope 
to  Gods  will  in  them.  She  was  sparing  in  out- 
ward showe  of  zeale,  but  hir  constant  love  to  good 
Christians  and  the  best  things,  with  hir  reverent 
and  carefull  attendance  of  Gods  ordinances,  both 
publique  and  private,  with  hir  care  for  avoydinge 
of  evill  hirselfe  and  reprovinge  it  in  others,  did 
plainly  showe  that  truth  and  love  of  God  did  lye 
at  the  heart.  Hir  lovinge  and  tender  regard  of 
my  children  w^as  such  as  might  well  become  a 
naturall  mother;  ffor  hir  carriage  towards  myself e, 
it  was  so  amiable  and  observant  as  I  am  not  able 
to  expresse;  it  had  this  onely  inconvenience,  that 
it  made  me  delight  too  much  in  hir  to  enjoye  hir 
longe." 

This  gentle  creature,  when  dying,  called 
for  John  Winthrop's  children,  and  "blessed 
them  severally  and  would  needs  have  Mary 
brought  that  she  might  kiss  hir."  Thus  did 
these  children  lose  a  second  tender  mother; 
but  God's  Providence  and  John  Winthrop's 
thoughtful  affection  brought  to  them  a  third 
equally  loving. 

In  April,  1619,  Margaret  Winthrop's  first 
34    . 


MARGARET  WINTUROP'S  HOME 

child  was  born,  and  named  Stephen;  and  very 
near  did  the  mother  come  to  death,  and  once 
more  did  poor  John  Winthrop  sadly  face  the 
thought  of  a  desolated  life,  and  once  more  did 
he  appeal  to  the  Lord  for  help. 

*'  I  humbled  mj'selfe  in  fastinge  and  mourninge. 
I  searched  my  heart  for  some  siuues  and  made  my 
peace  with  my  God  and  so  getting  a  more  large 
and  melting  heart  to  goe  unto  the  Lord,  I  sett  my- 
selfe  to  prayer.  The  day  after  her  deliverance  she 
was  taken  with  a  burning  feaver  w'^'^  heald  hir  so 
as  after  the  eighth  day  was  passed  my  Cosin  Duke 
made  little  reconinge  of  hir  life,  but  within  one 
daye  after  beinge  the  tenth  daye  of  hir  sicknesse 
diverse  godly  ministers  meetinge  togither  did  in 
tlieir  prayer  remember  hir  case  in  particular  and 
that  very  daye  and  houre  (as  neere  as  might  be 
guessed)  she  founde  a  sensible  release  of  hir  dis- 
ease.    The  Lord  be  blessed  forevermore." 

The  godparents  of  this  child  were  his  grand- 
mother, Lndy  Tyndal,  and  her  brother  Stephen 
Egerton,  and  her  son  Deanc  Tyndal. 

Two  years  later  another  son  was  born  and 
named  Adam  for  his  loving  grandfather.  The 
godparents  were  Mary  Cole  and  Philip  and 
Jane  Gostling.  Soon  after  the  birth  of  this 
son  John  Winthrop  made  a  will  in  which 
perhaps  the  most  remarkable  feature  was  that 
he  named  his  son    John  Winthrop  executor, 

35 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

and  the  boy  was  then  a  lad  of  only  fifteen 
years;  thus  early  were  his  reliable  traits  of 
character  evinced  to  the  father's  sight.  It 
appears  from  this  will  that  John  Winthrop 
had  been  already  assigned  the  manor  of  Groton 
by  his  father  Adam.  He  names  in  the  will 
various  pieces  of  land,  —  Mastermans  Cross, 
Mastermans  Grove,  Stubbins  Cross,  Honylies 
Grove,  Upper  Crabtreewent,  etc. 

It  was  well,  perhaps,  for  Margaret  Winthrop 
to  have  this  large  family  to  keep  her  company 
and  engross  her  time,  for  she  was  often  sepa- 
rated from  her  husband.  The  duties  of  his 
profession  and  office  kept  him  much  in  London 
and  on  the  circuit.  He  was  a  lawyer,  and,  if 
we  can  believe  Cotton  Mather,  he  was  a  justice 
of  the  peace  when  he  was  only  eighteen.  His 
professional  business  was  large  and  profitable. 
He  held  an  attorneyship  in  the  important  Court 
of  Wards  and  Liveries,  a  court  which  held 
jurisdiction  over  wards,  widows,  and  lunatics. 
Its  functions  were  also  somewhat  those  of  our 
present  Probate  Court.  He  also  drafted  par- 
liamentary bills,  a  lucrative  form  of  legal 
business.  During  this  time  he  had  chambers 
in  London,  some  of  the  time  at  Temple  Lane 
"near  the  Cloyster. "  The  life  at  that  time  of 
lawyers  in  chambers  in  London  was  exceed- 
ingly    interesting.     There     lingered      many 

36 


MARGARET   WlNrilROP'S  HOME 

ancient  customs  and  quaint  survivals  of  okl- 
time  ceremonials,  which  may  he  read  hy  the 
curious  in  Pcarcc's  History  of  the  Inns  of 
Court.  I  find  it  hard  to  connect  the  thought 
of  John  Winthrop  with  these  customs ;  but  I 
suppose  he  was  interested  in  them,  even  if  he 
did  not  take  part  in  them. 

The  existing  letters  exchanged  by  Governor 
Winthroi)  and  his  wife  IMargaret  have  been  sev- 
eral times  printed :  some,  with  other  letters, 
with  John  Winthrop's  History  of  New  Eng- 
land; some  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society ;  others  in  Mr.  Robert 
C.  Winthrop's  Life  of  John  Winthrop;  and 
many  of  them  have  been  recently  reprinted  as 
a  separate  collection  in  a  charming  form, 
under  the  title  of  Some  Old  Puritan  Love- 
Letters,  with  careful  and  intelligent  editing 
and  notes  by  Rev.  Joseph  Hopkins  Twichell. 
They  form  a  ])erfect  exemplification  of  the 
beautiful  conjugal  affection  existing  "between 
this  husband  and  this  wife,  —  a  love  which 
may  be  fitly  described  in  the  words  used  by 
another  Puritan  woman,  Lucy  Hutchinson,  of 
her  own  marriage,  — 

"There  is  this  to  be  recorded:  there  was  never 
a  passion  more  ardent  aud  less  idolatrous;  lie 
loved  her  better  than  his  life,  with  inexpressible 
tenderness  and  kindness,  had  a  most  high  obliging 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

esteem  of  her,  yet  still  cousidered  honour,  religion 
and  duty  above  her.  .  .  .  She  was  a  very  faithful 
mirror  reflecting  truly  though  but  dimly  his  own 
glories  upon  him;  so  long  as  he  was  present  .  .  . 
The  greatest  excellency  she  had  was  the  power  of 
apprehending  and  the  virtue  of  loving  him." 

Since  John  Winthrop  was  separated  at  this 
time  so  frequently  and  for  such  long  inter- 
vals from  his  wife,  we  have  many  letters 
which  they  exchanged  during  these  years.  I 
give  two  written  by  Margaret  Winthrop.  The 
first  is  certainly  one  of  the  most  exquisitely 
trusting  and  tender  letters  that  ever  were 
printed.  Its  piety  and  simplicity  endow  it 
with  a  marked  and  singular  spiritualit}^  that 
makes  it  seem  the  typical  voice  and  expression 
of  a  pure  and  idyllic  married  love. 

My  most  sweet  Husbaxd,  —  How  dearely  wel- 
come thy  kinde  letter  was  to  me  I  am  not  able  to 
expresse.  The  sweetnesse  of  it  did  much  refresh 
me.  What  can  be  more  pleasinge  to  a  wife,  than 
to  heare  of  the  welfaj're  of  hir  best  beloved,  and 
how  he  is  pleassed  with  hir  pore  endevours.  I 
blush  to  heare  my  selfe  commended,  knowinge  my 
owne  wants;  but  it  is  your  love  that  conceaves  the 
best  and  makes  all  thinges  seme  better  then  they 
are.  I  wish  that  I  may  be  allwaj^es  pleasinge  to 
thee,  and  that  those  comforts  we  have  in  each 
other  may  be  dayly  increaced  as  far  as  thay  be 
pleasing  to  God.  I  will  use  that  speach  to  thee 
38 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP'S  HOME 

that  Abygal  did  to  David,  I  will  be  a  servant  to 
wash  the  feete  of  my  Lord.  I  will  doe  any  service 
whearein  I  may  please  my  good  Husband.  I  con- 
fes  I  cannot  doe  ynough  for  thee,  but  thou  art 
l)leased  to  accept  the  will  for  the  deede  and  rest 
contented. 

I  have  many  resons  to  make  me  love  thee 
wheareof  I  will  name  two;  first  because  thou  lovest 
God,  and  secondly  because  that  thou  lovest  me. 
If  these  two  are  wantinge  all  the  rest  would  be 
eclipsed.  But  I  must  leave  this  discorse  and  goe 
about  my  household  affayers.  I  am  a  bad  huswife 
to  be  so  longe  from  them;  but  I  must  needs  bor- 
rowe  a  little  time  to  talke  with  thee  my  sweet  hart. 
The  terme  is  more  than  halfe  done.  I  hope  thy 
businesse  drawes  to  an  end.  It  will  be  but  2  or 
3  weekes  before  I  see  thee,  tluiugh  thay  be 
longe  ones.  God  wil  bringe  us  together  in  his 
good  time  for  w'^''  time  I  shall  pray.  I  thanke 
the  Lord  we  are  all  in  health.  Wee  are  very  glad 
to  heare  so  good  Nuse  of  our  sonne  Henry.  The 
Lord  make  us  thanke  full  for  all  his  mercyes  to  us 
and  ours.  And  thus  with  my  mothers  and  my 
owne  best  love  to  your  selfe  and  all  the  rest  I  shal 
leave  scriblinge.  The  wether  being  colde  makes 
me  make  hast.  Farwel  my  good  Husband;  the 
Lord  kepe  thee 

Your  obedyent  wife 

MARCiAKET  WiNTHKOI'E. 

November  22  Groton. 

I  have  not  yet  receved  the  box  but  I  will  send 
for  it.     I  send  up  a  turkey   and   some   chese.      I 
39 


MARGARET    WINTHROP. 

pray  send  my  sonne  Foorth  sucli  a  knife  as  mine 
is.  M"  Hugen  would  pray  you  to  by  a  cake  for 
the  boyes.  I  did  dyne  at  Grotton  hall  yesterday 
thay  are  in  helth  and  remember  thear  love  wee  did 
wish  you  theare  but  that  would  not  brings  you  and 
I  coulde  not  be  merry  with  out  thee. 

To  my  deare  and  very  lovinge  Husband  John 

Winlhrope  Esquire  at  Mr.  Dotvnings  house  in 
Fleet  Street  right  over  agaynst  the  Counduit 

These  deliver,  —  London. 

My  beloved  axd  good  Husband,  —  I  must  craue 
pardon  for  my  not  righting  to  you  the  last  weeke- 
Your  letter  came  so  late  to  me  hands  upon  Tuesday 
that  I  coulde  not  right  that  night,  and  hearinge  of 
no  other  messenger,  I  have  bin  constrayned  to  let 
it  alone  till  this  weeke,  and  so  have  had  the 
more  time  to  consider  of  it.  I  doe  ione  with  you 
in  beseechinge  the  Lorde  to  direct  our  wayes  and 
thoughts  aright  hearein,  and  that  wee  may  submit 
unto  his  holy  will  in  this  and  all  other  thinges.  to 
doe  that  may  be  for  his  glory  and  the  comfort  of 
ourselues  and  others.  I  doe  see  yours  and  the  rest 
of  my  frends  great  love  and  care  of  me  and  of  all 
ours,  in  that  you  are  so  mindfull  of  our  good,  w"^*" 
doeth  more  and  more  knet  my  affections  to  you.  I 
pray  God  I  may  walke  so  as  I  maj"  be  worthy  of  all 
your  loves.  For  the  matter  of  which  you  right 
about,  of  takeinge  a  house  at  Thiselworth,  I  like 
well  in  some  respect,  in  regard  of  the  good  Min- 
ister and  good  people  and  teachinge  for  our  children. 
But  I  must  aledge  one  thinge,  that  I  feare  in  your 
40 


MARGARET   WINTHROP'S  HOME 

cominge  to  and  fro,  lest  if  you  should  be  vontrus 
upon  the  water,  if  your  passage  be  by  water  w'^"  1 
know  not,  it  may  be  dangerous  for  you  in  the 
winter  time,  the  wether  beinge  colde  and  the  waters 
perilous.  And  so  I  shoulde  be  in  continuall  feare 
of  you  lest  you  should  take  any  hurt.  I  did  con- 
fir  with  my  mother  about  it  and  she  thinkes  you 
had  better  take  a  house  in  the  City,  and  so  come 
home  to  your  own  table  and  familye;  and  I  am  of 
the  same  minde,  but  I  shall  allwayes  submit  to 
what  you  shal  thiid<e  fit.  Upon  the  best  consider- 
ation I  can  take,  I  have  resolved  to  stay  heare  this 
winter,  in  regard  that  my  littel  one  is  very  yonge 
and  the  waj'es  very  bad  to  remove  such  things  as 
wee  shall  stande  in  nede  of,  and  we  shal  leave 
things  very  unsetled,  and  to  keepe  two  famylies 
will  be  very  chargable  to  us.  And  so  I  thinke  it 
will  be  our  best  corce  to  remove  in  the  springe, 
and  in  the  meantime  commend  it  to  God.  It  is 
allredy  reported  about  the  country e  that  we  shal 
remove  and  so  it  will  be  the  lesse  strange  to  them, 
because  they  loke  for  it  all  ready,  and  you  are  to 
be  so  much  from  home. 

I  have  received  y°''  kinde  letter  by  my  brother 
Goslinge  for  w*^**  I  hartily  thanke  you  and  for  my 
good  sermon  w'^''  you  sent  with  it.  You  doe  dayly 
manyfeast  y"  love  to  me  and  care  for  my  spirituall 
good,  as  well  as  temperall,  w"^**  is  best  of  all.  I 
desire  of  God  I  may  chuse  the  better  part  w"''  can- 
not be  taken  from  me,  w"^''  will  stand  me  in  stead 
when  all  other  things  fayle  me.  For  our  condi- 
shion  here  wee   have   yet  M"'  Leys  helpe   in   our 

41 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

famylye,  but  he  is  to  remove  very  spedily,  his 
house  beinge  all-most  finished,  and  when  we  shall 
want  helpe  for  good  exercises.  The  Lord  in  mercy 
upholde  us  and  strenkthen  us  by  his  holy  spirit. 
I  cannot  but  with  greefe  beare  y""^  longe  abscence, 
but  I  hope  that  this  will  be  the  last  time  we  shall 
be  so  long  asunder,  w'^'^  doeth  sumwhat  stay  and 
comfort  me.  The  Lord  grant  I  may  find  sweetnesse 
in  Christ  Jesus  my  spirituall  Husband,  who  is 
alwayes  with  me  and  never  fayleth  me  in  time  of 
neede,  nor  will  fayle  me  unto  the  end  of  my  life  or 
the  life  to  come.  My  good  mother  commends  hir 
love  to  you  all  and  thankes  you  for  hir  tobacko.  She 
would  pray  you  to  be  carefull  of  y*"'  selfe  that  you 
take  no  colde.  I  desire  to  have  my  love  very 
kindely  remembered  to  my  brother  Downinge  and 
sister,  my  brother  Foones  and  sister,  and  all  my 
cosins.  I  prayse  God  we  continue  stil  in  helth; 
our  children  at  home  remember  thear  duty  to  you. 
I  thinke  very  longe  to  heare  of  our  sonnes  at  sea. 
I  pray  God  send  us  good  nuse  of  them.  And  thus 
with  my  best  affection  remembred  to  my  dears 
Husband  I  take  my  leave  and  commit  you  to 
God. 

Your  faythfull  and  obedient  wife 

Margaret  Winthrop. 

Thistleworth,  now  known  as  Isleworth,  is 
in  Middlesex  County  on  the  Thames,  nearly 
opposite  Richmond.  It  is  evident  that  the 
journey  to  and  from  London,  and  the  separa- 
tion from  his  wife  and  children  had  grown 

42 


MARGARET   WINTHROP'S  HOME 

most  irksome  to  John  Winthrop,  and  that  he 
had  resolved  to  leave  his  Groton  home.  He 
wrote  about  this  time  to  his  son  John :  — 

"I  would  be  lothe  to  come  up  before  the  term 
except  there  be  necessity;  yet  I  thinke  to  be  there 
aboute  a  week  before  because  my  horse  must  be  at 
Houndsloe  heathe  the  25  of  Aprill,  and  likewise  to 
take  order  about  our  removal  which  I  am  now  (in  a 
maner)  resolved  of,  if  God  shall  dispose  for  us  ac- 
cordingly, for  my  charge  heere  growes  very  heavye, 
and  I  am  wearye  of  these  jornies  to  and  fro,  so  as  I 
will  either  remove  or  putt  off  ray  office.  I  woulde 
have  you  enquire  about  a  house  for  Tower  Hill,  or 
some  such  open  place,  or  if  I  cant  be  provided  so 
neere  I  will  make  trial  of  Thistleworthe.  I  would 
be  neer  churche  and  some  good  school." 

It  is  certainly  amiisino-  to  read  Margaret 
Winthrop's  grave  apprehensions  that  if  her 
husband  resided  at  Thistleworth  he  might  bo 
"  vcntrus "  on  the  water,  that  the  passage 
down  the  Thames  to  London  would  prove 
perilous  and  dangerous. 

But  we  must  remember  that  the  Thames  and 
London  of  that  day  v\'ere  very  different  from 
the  present  river  and  city.  The  splendid 
docks  are  all  of  this  century.  There  was  but 
one  small  dock  in  Winthrop's  time,  but  tliere 
were  numerous  private  wharves.  Only  one 
bridge  of  nineteen  arches  spanned  the  river. 

43 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

The  streets  were  unpaved,  unnumbered,  and 
inexpressibly  dirty.  The  river,  through  its 
hundreds  of  wherries,  was  a  more  convenient 
and  decent  highway ;  but  the  watermen  were 
almost  highwaymen,  and  made  the  river 
"perilous."  The  streets  were  supposed  to  be 
lighted  at  night  by  lanterns  hung  out  by 
private  citizens.  A  portrait  of  a  watchman 
in  days  of  James  I.  has  these  lines :  — 

"  A  light  here  !  maids,  hang  out  your  lights, 
And  see  your  horns  be  clear  and  bright, 
That  so  your  candle  clear  may  shine 
Continuing  from  six  till  nine  ; 
That  honest  men  that  walk  along 
May  see  to  pass  safe  without  wrong." 

Nine  o'clock  was  then  every  honest  man's 
bedtime.  The  Statutes  of  the  Streets  of 
Queen  Elizabeth's  reign  forbade  a  man  to 
make  any  sudden  outcry  after  that  hour,  such 
as  "  making  any  affray  or  beating  his  wife. " 
The  watchman's  cry  in  the  early  evening  was, 
"Lanthorne  and  a  whole  candell-light,  hang 
out  your  lights  here !  "  Later  he  cried  the 
hour  and  weather,  "past  ten  o'clock,  a  rainy 
night,"  etc.,  etc. 

London  was  "  perilous  "  and  dangerous  in 
other  ways,  for  its  streets  swarmed  night  and 
day  with  quarrelling,  drunken  bullies,  called 
roaring  boys,  bravadoes,  roysters,  etc.     Walter 

44 


MARGARET   WINTHROP'S  HOME 

Yonge,  justice  of  the  peace,  of  southeast  Devon 
(a  Puritan,  but  not  a  Separatist),  writes  in  his 
diary:  — 

''  The  beginning  of  December  1G23,  there  was  a 
great  number  in  London,  haunting  taverns  and 
other  debauched  places,  who  swore  themselves  into 
a  brotherhood  and  named  themselves  T3'tere  tues. 
The  oath  they  gave  in  this  manner;  he  that  was  to 
be  sworn,  did  put  his  dagger  into  a  pottle  of  wine, 
and  put  his  hand  upon  the  pommel  thereof,  and 
then  was  to  make  oath  that  he  would  aid  and 
assist  all  of  his  fellowship  and  not  disclose  their 
council.  There  were  divers  knights,  some  young 
noblemen,  and  gentlemen  of  this  brotherhood,  and 
they  were  to  know  one  the  other  by  the  black  bugle 
which  they  wore,  and  their  followers  to  be  known 
by  a  blue  ribbond." 

These  "  tittery-tucs, "  as  John  Taylor  the 
•water-poet  called  them,  were  so  named  in 
fanciful  allusion  to  the  first  line  of  the  first 
eclogue  of  Yirgil,  Tityre,  tii  patulce  recubans 
sub  tegniine  fagi. 

One  sentence  in  Margaret  Winthrop's  letter 
is  deeply  significant,  to  those  who  know  well, 
of  the  keen  feeling  which  existed  at  that  time 
in  England  with  regard  to  town-life.  "It  is 
allready  reported  about  the  country  that  we 
shall  remove,  and  so  it  will  be  the  loss  strange 
to  them,  because  they  loke  for  it  allready." 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

We  find  Lady  Brilliana  Harley,  Lady  D'Ewes, 
Mistress  Frances  Earle,  Mistress  Mary  Barnes, 
and  scores  of  other  Puritan  women  living  in 
the  country  while  their  husbands  were  in 
chambers  in  London  for  many  months  of  the 
year. 

At  that  time  all  English  landholders  were 
encouraged  to  live  upon  their  estates.  A  resi- 
dence in  London  was  greatly  disliked,  and 
even  disallowed  by  the  king.  In  1617  a  proc- 
lamation by  him  strictly  commanded  all 
noblemen,  knights,  and  gentlemen  who  had 
mansion-houses  in  the  country,  unless  specially 
permitted,  to  depart  within  twenty  days  and 
take  their  wives  and  families  out  of  London, 
and  even  away  from  the  suburbs,  to  occupy 
their  own  homes,  "  to  perform  the  duties  and 
charge  of  their  several  places  and  service,  and 
likewise  by  housekeeping  to  be  a  comfort  unto 
their  neighbors,  in  order  to  renew  and  to 
revive  the  laudable  custom  of  hospitality  in 
their  respective  counties." 

Bishop  Hall,  in  his  Satires,  complained 
that  through  the  increasing  desertion  for 
cities  the  "  unthankful  swallow "  built  her 
"  circled  nest  "  in 

"  The  towererl  chiinnies  which  should  be 
The  wind-pipes  of  good  hospitalitie." 

46 


MARGARET    WINTHROP'S  HOME 

Another  author  deplores  the  rusty  Ijroach; 
the  good  cheer  turned  to  empty  dish ;  the 
lonely  wife  "tossing  and  tirling  a  ball"  or 
"  playing  with  puss  "  to  pass  the  time.  King 
James  I.,  in  a  speech  at  the  Star  Chamber, 
spoke  of  the  "  swarms  of  gentry  that  through 
the  instigation  of  their  wives  to  new-model 
and  new-fashion  their  daughters  (who,  if  they 
were  unmarried,  marred  their  marriages ;  if 
married,  lost  their  reputations  and  robbed 
their  husbands'  purses)  did  neglect  their 
country  hospitality  and  cumljered  the  city,  a 
general  nuisance  to  the  kingdom." 

Throughout  England  manor-houses  can  now 
be  seen  which  were  built  to  be  occupied  by 
the  country-loving  gentry,  now  let  out  to 
tenant-farmers,  while  the  descendants  of  these 
gentlefolks  once  more  "cumber  the  city,  a 
general  nuisance  to  the  kingdom." 

King  James  1.  issued  another  proclamation 
ordering  the  demolition  of  all  houses  that  had 
been  built  in  the  London  suburbs  since  his 
accession.  This  order  seemed  so  extravagant 
that  many  thought  it  a  pretext  for  extorting 
fines.  But  the  law  was  executed,  and  from 
this  stupid  notion  of  James  as  to  the  proper 
limits  of  a  city,  and  his  ill-judged  attempt  to 
check  the  development  of  the  capital,  came 
a   sorry  bequest  to   England   to-day,  —  some 

47 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

of   the   worst  of  the  present  "  London    rook- 
eries." 

The  literature  of  the  last  part  of  the  six- 
teenth century  shows  how  deeply  English  folk 
felt  upon  the  subject  of  the  growing  town-life. 
Chap-books  and  tracts  abounded  with  dis- 
course "dialogue-wise"  upon  the  respective 
benefits  and  virtues  of  country  and  city  homes, 
with  such  titles  as  Cyvile  and  Yncyvile 
Life;  The  English  Courtier  and  The  Coun- 
trey-gentleman ;  The  Court  and  Country;  Dis- 
course of  Gentlemen  Lying  in  London  that 
were  Better  Keep  Home  in  Their  Countrey. 
These  pleasant  disputations,  delectable  and 
pithy  saws,  worthy  observations,  etc.,  are 
instructively  and  entertainingly  illustrative 
of  old-time  manners  and  ideas.  In  spite  of 
the  ofttimes  fantastic  phraseology  and  un- 
couth mannerisms  of  these  tracts,  I  have 
obtained  from  them  much  knowledge  of  the 
domestic  life  of  England  of  that  day.  Some 
of  them  are  very  spirited.  Here  are  a  few 
lines  from  Chnrchyard's  Challenge :  — • 

"  Like  one  that  flings  more  water  in  the  seas, 
Or  casts  away  his  gold  when  it  is  lost, 
The  gentleman  is  seldom  well  at  ease 
Till  that  he  ride  to  London  all  in  post : 
And  up  and  down  the  dice  and  cards  be  tost. 
"^Mien  he  awhile  about  the  streets  doth  roam. 
He  hath  to  borrow  pence  to  bring  him  home. 
48 


MARGARET   WINTHROP'S  HOME 

**  O  Lord  !  how  soon  a  man  is  o'er  his  shooes 

That  wades  and  steps  in  stream  or  water  deep ! 
How  soon  from  town  in  country  we  have  news, 
That  some  spend  all,  for  they  can  nothing  keep. 
If  such  lads  were  at  home  in  bed  asleep, 
'Twere  better  sure  than  lie  in  Loudon  thus 
Uppon  the  score,  or  like  bankroutsiwus." 

John  Winthrop's  residence  in  London  was 
not  from  choice  or  love  of  city  life,  but  from 
the  exigencies  of  his  office  and  calling.  In 
his  letters  to  his  wife  he  constantly  lamented 
his  absence  from  home  in  such  tender  sen- 
tences as  these,  "  My  hearte  is  allready  with 
thee  and  thy  little  lambes,  and  I  will  hasten 
home  with  what  speed  I  may."  "My  heart  is 
at  home  and  specially  with  thee  my  best 
beloved."  ''God  will  give  us  to  meet  again 
in  the  fruition  of  our  love ;  in  the  mean  time 
let  this  staye  our  hearts,  that  no  distance  of 
place  nor  space  of  tyme  can  sever  us."  "I 
longe  greatly  to  be  with  thee  whom  my  soul 
deliglits  in  above  all  earthly  things;  these 
tymes  of  separation  are  harsh  and  grievous." 
"  Such  is  my  love  to  thee  my  dear  Spouse  as  if 
it  were  not  to  my  imployment  whereto  God 
hath  disposed  me  did  enforce  me  to  it,  I  could 
not  live  comfortably  from  thee  half  so  long." 
One  letter  may  be  given  entire.  It  is  the 
only  one  in  which  any  act  of  hers  is  ques- 
tioned.    I  fear  it  must  be  confessed  that  the 

4  49 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

sin  of  forgetting  to  date  her  letters  was  not 
peculiar  to  this  seventeenth-century  wife. 

My  Deare  Wife,  —  Thy  sweet  Lettres  (\v%ut 
date)  how  welcome  they  were  to  me  I  cannot 
expresse :  both  in  regard  of  the  continuance  of 
thy  health  &  thy  little  ones,  my  mother  &  o'' 
whole  familye,  for  w"''  I  humbly  blesse  &  prayse 
o'  good  God  &  Heavenly  Father,  &  doe  hearty ly 
begge  of  him  &  trust  in  him  for  the  continuance 
of  the  same  mercie  to  thyselfe  &  all  the  rest;  as 
also  in  respect  of  the  manifestation  of  the  con- 
stancie  &  increase  of  thy  true  love  wherein  (I 
seariously  professe)  I  doe  more  reioyce  then  in 
any  earthly  blessinge;  0  how  I  prize  the  sweet 
society  of  so  modest  &  faithfull  a  spouse  !  0  that 
I  could  be  wise  to  be  thankfull  &  improve  it,  ac- 
cordinge  to  that  esteeme  w"'^  I  have  of  it  when  I 
want  it!  I  am  heere  where  I  have  all  outward 
content,  most  kinde  entertainment,  good  companye 
«&  good  fare,  &c;  onely  the  want  of  thy  presence  & 
amiable  society  makes  me  weary  of  all  other  accom- 
plem'^,  so  deare  is  thy  love  to  me,  &  so  confi- 
dent am  I  of  the  like  entertainem*  my  true  affection 
findes  w***  thee;  0  that  the  consideration  of  th^se 
things  could  make  us  raise  up  o''  spirits  to  a  like 
conformitye  of  sincerity e  &  fervencie  in  the  Love 
of  Christ  o''  Lord  &  heavenly  husband;  that  we 
could  delight  in  him  as  we  doe  in  each  other,  «&; 
that  his  absence  were  like  greivous  to  us;  But  the 
Love  of  this  present  world,  how  it  bewitcheth  us  & 
steales  away  our  hearts  from  him  who  is  o''  onely 
50 


MARGARET   WINTHROP'S  HOME 

life  &  felicitye ;  but  I  must  break  off  this  discourse. 
Tlie  blessed  protection  &  favour  of  the  Lord  be  still 
w'^  thee  &  all  o''  familj'e,  &  bring  us  togither  againe 
in  peace;  thou  &  the  rest  are  kindly  remembred  of 
all  heere;  remember  my  duty  to  my  mother  &  m}' 
love  to  all  thou  knowest  I  wish  it.  My  brother 
ffones  is  gotten  abroad  againe,  my  sister  is  as  she 
useth  to  be,  the  rest  of  us  are  all  in  health  (I 
prayse  God).  Our  busmesse  goeth  on,  tho'  slowly e 
as  matters  use  to  do  at  Court.  M}'  brother  sends 
Richard  home  this  daye  &  meanes  to  stay  awhile 
himselfe,  to  see  further  successe.  Let  Sam  come 
up  on  monday  &  bring  my  horse,  for  I  will  leave 
my  brother  heare  awhile ;  let  him  be  heere  on  teus- 
daye  betymes,  for  I  would  goe  out  of  London  the 
same  daye.  Heere  is  no  newes  but  of  the  Prince 
beiiige  at  sea,  where  he  hath  bin  wind  bound  a  great 
awhile;  Thus  embracinge  thee  in  the  true  affection 
of  a  faithfull  husband,  I  will  so  remaine, 
Thine 

John  Wixthuop. 

I  have    nothinge   to   send   thee  but    my   love, 
neither  shall    I   bringe   thee   anythinge   but  my- 
selfe,  w""^  I  knowe  wilbe  best  welcome. 
"London,  Octob  3,  1623." 

These  letters  of  John  and  Margaret 
Winthrop  had  not  been  very  speedy  in  their 
carriage.  There  was  at  that  time  but  a  faint 
shadow  of  a  postal  service.  The  post  to  the 
Continent  was  the  sole  one  of  any  value.     The 

51 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

inland  post  to  Plymouth  -u-as  dropped  from 
1611  to  1621.  The  other  three  — to  Ireland, 
Dover,  and  Plymouth  —  were  of  slight  account, 
for  the  post-horses  were  overloaded  with  the 
carriage  of  chests  and  boxes  of  travellers 
who  pretended  to  journey  on  public  business. 
It  took  months  for  a  letter  to  go  from  Scot- 
land to  London.  The  postman  was  provided 
with  a  horn,  which  he  had  to  blow  four  times 
in  a  mile,  or  "  as  often  as  he  met  company. " 
He  was  to  start  at  least  fifteen  minutes  after 
receiving  the  "letter  or  pacquet,"  and  he  must 
go  at  least  five  miles  an  hour  in  winter.  This 
exceedingly  placid  progress  was  supposed  to 
be  accelerated  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  by 
this  stimulating  inscription  upon  the  envelope, 
"Haste,  post,  haste!  haste  with  all  diligence! 
for  thy  life !  for  thy  life  !  " 

But  since  these  letters  were  so  uncertain 
and  long  in  coming,  and  their  transportation 
and  delivery  so  costly,  we  may  now  be  grate- 
ful, for  it  made  them  so  highly  prized  that 
they  were  deemed  worthy  of  being  carefully 
treasured  and  stored. 


52 


Ill 

THE  PURITAN   HOUSEWIFE 

The  life  of  Madam  Winthrop  in  her  English 
home  was  the  usual  life  of  active  housewifery, 
or  unvaried  domesticity,  of  the  average  Eng- 
lishwoman of  her  times.  I  find  no  entries  in 
her  letters  or  her  husband's  to  show  that  she 
ever  entered  into  what  in  modern  phrase 
would  be  termed  fashionable  or  society  life. 
That  phase  of  seventeenth-century  life  in  Eng- 
land is  well  known  to  us  through  satire, 
lampoons,  religious  tracts,  and  contemporary 
diaries,  plays,  and  letters;  and  an  idle,  vain, 
useless,  restless,  and  unhappy  life  it  was. 
The  curious  may  read  pictures  of  it  in  Jon- 
son's  The  Devil  is  an  Ass;  in  Rowland's  A 
Whole  Crew  of  Kind  Gossips  all  Met  to  be 
Merry,  and  his  Looke  to  it,  for  lie  Stabbe 
ye;  in  Dickinson's  Greene  in  Conceit;  in 
Goddard's  Satirycall  Dialogue  or  sharplye- 
invective  Conference  between  Alexander  the 
Great  and  that  trucly  woman-hater  Diogy- 
nes;    in    Humours   Unmasked,   and   scores  of 

53 


MARGARET  WINTEROP 

other  plays  and  poems.  You  may  find  it 
in  the  court  records,  in  the  printed  travels 
of  foreigners  in  England,  in  the  letters  of 
the  nobility  and  of  royal  persons.  It  is  of 
interest  to  us  as  a  study  of  the  times,  but  it 
was  never  the  life  of  Margaret  Winthrop. 
Her  life  was  peaceful,  retired,  and  useful. 
It  was  full  of  manifold  homespun  duties  and 
cares,  the  charge  of  a  household  which  formed 
a  great  family,  in  which  the  servants  filled  no 
mean  or  uncherished  position.  Heber,  in  his 
Life  of  Jeremy  Taylor,  has  this  passage :  — 

*'In  the  time  of  our  ancestors  the  interval  be- 
tween the  domestics  and  the  other  members  of  a 
family  was  by  no  means  so  great,  nor  fenced  with 
so  harsh  and  impenetrable  a  barrier,  as  in  the 
present  days  of  luxury  and  excessive  refinement. 
The  servants  of  the  manor-house  were  usually 
the  humble  friends  of  the  master  and  mistress, 
whose  playmates  they  had  been  during  childhood, 
and  under  whose  protection  they  hoped  to  grow 
old.'' 

We  learn  from  scores  of  references,  of  a 
little  later  date,  in  Pepys'  Diary,  how  house- 
servants  were  treated  in  London  homes  almost 
as  members  of  the  family,  joining  the  mistress 
in  her  cares  and  duties,  and  in  her  pleasures, 
in  "musique"  and  in  card-playing.  I  have 
seen  a  letter  from  a  ^Ir.  Mingay,  in  1638,  to 

54 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

Mr.  Framlingham  Gawdy,  asking  for  a  "  staid 
discreet  maid  and  well  spoken  and  qualified 
and  an  excellent  gleeker. "  There  was  neither 
gleck  nor  loo  nor  ombre  in  Margaret 
Winthrop's  home,  for  we  know  John  Win- 
throp's  decision  early  in  life  about  "carding 
and  gaming;"  but  her  maids  were  carefully 
cherished,  as  shown  in  her  anxiety  for  one 
named  Amye  in  sickness. 

There  were  at  least  nine  servants  in  the 
Winthrop  household  in  1616,  we  are  told 
through  Thomasine  Winthrop's  pathetic  and 
loving  admonitions  to  them  upon  her  death- 
bed. Probably  there  was  a  much  larger  num- 
ber at  a  later  date,  with  John  Winthrop's 
increased  fortune.  Among  the  manuscript 
])apers  of  Captain  Stewart  is  a  list  of  Deric- 
tions  for  ye  Maides  in  the  House,  of  a  manor 
in  Suffolk  not  far  from  Groton  Manor.  It 
may  well  be  quoted  as  showing  the  machinery 
and  method  of  housekeeping  in  that  day  and 
in  that  station  of  life.  The  duties  of  Margaret 
Winthrop's  maids  probably  varied  little  from 
the  ones  indicated  in  these  "derictions." 

Mondays.  Look  out  the  foule  clotlies,  and  cale 
the  maids  and  sit  or  stay  by  them  till  they  be  all 
mended. 

Tuisdays.  Clene  the  Homes  and  Chers  from  y© 
55 


MARGARLT   WINTHROP 

great  Kome  to  tlie  nersery,  and  ye  beads  on  ye  Tope 
and  botom,  and  dust  ye  feathers. 

WedPMsdays.  Clene  all  the  Eomes  Chers  and 
beads  onder  and  Tope  with  je  feathers  from  the 
nersery  to  ye  Eyll  Chamber. 

Thursdays.  Clene  ye  Hall  and  Parlors  windows 
tables  chears  and  Pictors  below  stairs. 

Fridays.  Scoure  all  the  grats,  tongs,  and  Hand- 
Irons. 

Saturdays.  Clene  the  Store  house,  Shelfs  and 
Dressers. 

Every-day.  Once  for  one  houre  in  ye  fore-noone 
goe  throught  all  ye  Pomes  and  see  it  doith  not 
Paine  into  them,  and  dust  them  all  downe,  and 
swipe  them. 

Dery-viaid.  Wash  yor  dery  every  day,  and  for 
yor  milke  and  butter  doe  as  you  will  be  dericted. 
Churne  Tuisdays  and  Fridays.  Sarve  ye  Swine  and 
Pouletrey  night  and  morning  ;  and  for  the  Hoges- 
meat  any  of  the  Servent-mens  shall  carry  that  out 
for  you.  Observe  well  the  time  for  seting  all  sorts 
of  yor  Pouletrey ;  Once  every  weeke  make  yor  House 
breed,  an  the  same  shall  helpe  you  need  it. 

Cooke-viaid.  Washe  yor  Chitchen  every  night, 
and  the  Larders  every  other  day,  Shelfes  and 
dressers ;  and  scour  the  puter  we  use  every  friday 
night,  and  all  ye  Rest  of  ye  Puter  once  every 
month.  Kepe  your  chitchen  exthrodinary  clene. 
To  helpe  upon  washing  dayes  ye  reste  of  ye 
maides  wash.  And  make  all  ye  Maides  bring 
downe  there  candell-stickes  ye  first  thing  in  ye 
morning  to  be  made  clene." 
56 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

It  will  be  noted  that  some  of  the  details  of 
housekeeping  vary  from  those  of  to-day.  The 
household  washing  was  done  but  once  a 
month,  or  once  in  three  months.  The  scour- 
ing of  the  pewter  was  an  important  duty,  and 
"  pewter  bright  "  was  an  accepted  sign  of  a 
good  housewife.  The  help  of  the  manservant 
in  kneading  bread  seems  somewhat  curious 
to-day,  and  the  care  about  feathers  in  the  bed- 
rooms shows  the  universal  use  of  feather  or 
down  beds. 

We  also  gain  from  Thomas  Tusser's  Five 
Hundred  Points  of  Good  Husbandry,  and  his 
Book  of  Housewifery,  a  very  good  knowledge 
of  life  at  that  time  in  a  Suffolk  country- 
house;  for  Tusser  wrote  these  books  when 
living  on  an  estate  in  Brantham,  Suffolk,  not 
far  from  Groton  Manor.  They  fully  corrob- 
orate the  Directions  to  Maides.  I  have  a 
curious  sense  of  touch  with  Margaret 
Winthrop's  housekeeping  when  I  read  Tusser's 
homely  and  wildly  grammarlcss  maxims,  for 
I  cannot  doubt  that  she  frequently  read  and 
constantly  heeded  them.  I  quote  from  them 
at  some  length',  as  showing  from  contemporary 
evidence  and  in  the  simplest  language  the 
daily  round  of  domestic  life  in  an  English 
country-house  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  and 
beginning   of   the    seventeenth  century.     We 

57 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

find  many  universal  and  wearisome  home- 
industries,  which  now  are  obsolete;  and  the 
performance  of  duties  similar  to  those  which 
still  exist  was  attended  with  many  difficulties 
of  preparation  and  inconveniences  of  exe- 
cution, which  in  themselves  proved  severe 
labors. 

The  household  was  early  awake  and  a- 
stirring. 

"  In  winter  at  five  a  clock,  servant,  arise ; 
In  summer  at  four  is  a  very  good  guise." 

Under  the  head  of  "  Morning  Works  "  we 
see  that  servants  went  to  work  at  once  before 
breakfasting.  Indeed,  breakfast  was  not 
much  of  a  meal  anywhere  in  old-time 
England. 

"  Get  up  in  the  morning  as  soon  as  thou  wilt, 
"With  over  long  slugging  good  servant  is  spilt. 

"  Some  work  in  the  morning  may  trimly  be  done 
That  all  the  day  after  can  hardly  be  won. 

"  Set  some  to  peel  hemp,  or  else  rushes  to  twine, 
To  spin,  or  to  card,  or  to  seething  of  brine." 

The  "  seething  of  brine  "  was  salting  meat  in 
a  "powdering-tub,"  an  important  housewifely 
duty  of  the  day ;  and  the  twining  of  rushes  was 
a  local  industry.  Everywhere  in  Suffolk  there 
was  gathered  from  the  fens  and  marshes  what 

58 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

was  called  the  "Fen-folks'  harvest"  of  rushes. 
These  rushes  are  used  to  this  day  in  Suffolk 
instead  of  laths  in  the  making  of  ceilings, 
and  for  rush  and  plaster  partitions.  In 
Margaret  Winthrop's  day  they  had  scores  of 
other  uses. 

Then  came  "  Breakfast  Doings, "  though  we 
have  already  learned  that 

"  Some  slovens  from  sleepinpj  no  sooner  get  up 
But  hand  is  in  aumbry  and  nose  in  the  cup." 

"  To  breakfast  that  come 
Give  eveiy  one  some." 

But  a  brief  stay  only  was  permitted  for  eating. 

"  No  more  tittle  tattle, 
Go  serve  your  cattle." 

The  routine  of  the  different  duties  of  a  house- 
wife, as  then  enumerated  by  Tusser,  was: 
"  Brewing,  Baking,  Cookery,  Dairy,  Scouring, 
Washing,  Dinner  Matters,  Afternoon  Works, 
Evening  Works,  Supper  Matters,  After-Supper 
Matters. "  The  domestic  brcAving  was  evidently 
of  value,  not  only  as  supplying  the  universal 
household  drink  in  those  tea-less  and  coffee-less 
times,  but  also  as  affording  food  for  swine. 

"  Brew  somewhat  for  thine, 
Else  bring  up  no  swine." 
r)9 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

"  In  buying  of  drink  by  the  firkin  or  pot 
The  tally  arise th  but  hog  amends  not. 

"  One  bushel  well  brewed  outlasteth  some  twain 
And  saveth  both  malt  and  expenses  in  vain. 

"  Too  new  is  no  profit,  too  stale  is  as  bad 
Drink,  dead,  or  else  soui-,  make  labourer  sad. 

"  Remember  good  Gill 
Take  pain  with  thy  swill. 

"  Seeth  grains  in  more  water  while  grains  be  yet  hot 
And  stir  them  in  copper  as  porridge  in  pot." 

Every  housewife  had  to  be  skilled  in  the 
making  of  malt,  as  from  it  came  the  drink  by 
which  the  whole  household  was  nourished. 
Gervayse  Markham  says  in  his  Instructions 
to  a  Good  Housewife:  "It  is  properly  the 
work  and  care  of  a  woman,  for  it  is  a  house- 
work. The  man  ought  only  to  bring  in  and 
to  provide  the  grain."  Malt  was  made  pre- 
ferably of  barley  or  oats.  It  could  be,  and 
was  sometimes,  made  of  wheat,  pease,  lupine, 
vetches,  and  the  like;  but  therefrom  made  a 
drink  "too  fulsome"  for  health.  The  malt- 
house  was  usually  a  separate  building.  It 
was  to  be  dry  and  tight,  "with  close-shuts  or 
draw-windows  to  keep  out  storms."  The 
barley-corns  were  first  steeped  in  a  "  Fat  "  or 
vat  or  cistern,  which  stood  within  the  malt- 
house,    and   should    be   near   a    pump;    then 

60 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

when  the  couch,  or  outside  hull  of  the  corn, 
was  broken,  the  grain  was  spread  on  an 
earthen  floor  and  constantl>^  moved  and 
turned  till  it  was  carried  to  the  kiln,  where  it 
was  "bedded"  and  dried  over  a  sharp  fire; 
then  it  was  ready  for  storage.  When  used  to 
make  household  beer,  it  was  rubbed,  dressed, 
cleaned,  and  winnowed.  About  a  quarter 
weight  of  malt  was  allowed  to  make  three 
hogsheads  of  beer.  The  malt  was  ground, 
put  in  a  vat,  and  mashed,  or  basted  gradually 
with  boiling  water.  Then  the  mash  was  run 
out  into  a  trough,  and  was  called  a  wort.  A 
second  mash  made  of  the  same  malt,  with 
more  water,  gave  a  second  wort.  To  a  quarter 
weight  of  this  wort  was  placed  a  pound  and  a 
half  of  boiled  hops,  which  was  called  barm. 
The  barm  and  wort  were  mixed  by  a  tedious 
and  slow  process,  put  into  vessels  to  cool, 
then  into  hogsheads  to  ferment.  This  house- 
hold beer  would  keep  for  months,  —  if  it  were 
ever  permitted  to  keep,  — but  a  thirsty  English 
household  did  not  make  very  long  work  of  a 
hogshead  of  beer.  The  minute  directions  for 
the  construction  of  the  malt-house,  of  the  dry- 
ing-floor, the  kilns,  the  mash-tubs,  show  what 
an  important  duty  beer-making  was  at  that 
time. 

The  bread-baking  was  evidently  an  affair  of 

61 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

much  importance  also,  and  was  set  apart  from 
the  other  cooking. 

"  New  bread  is  a  drivel, 
Much  crust  is  as  evil. 

"  Much  dough-backe  I  praise  not,  much  crust  is  as  ill. 
The  mean  is  the  housewife ;  say  nay  if  ye  will." 

John  Taylor,  the  "  Water-Poet, "  names  the 
various  breads  of  the  day  as  made  of  "  wheat, 
rie,  mescellin,  beanes,  pulse,  or  rootes."  He 
calls  it  either  "  dough-baked,'  baked  dough,  or 
burnt  in  the  oven ;  leavened  and  unleavened ; 
with  yeast,  barme  or  rising;  white,  wheaten, 
raunged  or  browne."  The  varieties  of  bread 
were  various,  —  loaf,  roll,  cake,  bun,  wig, 
manchet,  ruske,  bannock,  jannock,  symnell, 
bread-pye,  or  cheat-bread.  Three  kinds  of 
bread  were  always  made  in  any  household  of 
dignity,  —  one  for  the  family ;  one  for  the  ser- 
vants, which  meant  the  house-servants ;  one 
(usually  raunged  bread)  for  the  "hinds"  or 
farm-workers.  The  "  cookery  "  was  in  charge 
of  cook  and  turnspit. 

"  Good  cookery  craveth, 
Good  turn-broche  saveth. 

"  Good  cook  to  dress  dinner,  to  bake  and  to  brew 
Deserves  a  reward,  being  honest  and  true. 
62 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

"  Good  diligent  turnbroche,  and  trusty  withal 
Is  sometimes  as  needful  as  some  in  the  hall." 

The  real  charge  and  responsibility  of  the 
cooking  came  upon  the  mistress  of  the  manor. 
Gervayse  Markham  names  skill  in  cookery 
"  together  with  all  the  Secretts  thereto  "  as 
the  "most  important  of  Outward  and  active 
knowledges."  He  says  the  good  cook  must 
"have  a  quick  eye,  a  curious  nose,  a  perfect 
taste,  a  ready  ear.  She  must  not  be  butter- 
fingered,  sweet-toothed  nor  faint-hearted." 
He  gives  scores  of  receipts  for  cooking,  receipts 
fearfully  and  wonderfully  made.  Family 
cooking  was  far  more  complicated  in  that  day 
than  this.  It  was  all  highly  spiced.  Some- 
times a  score  of  herbs  and  spices  flavored  what 
was  in  intent  a  simple  dish.  Even  in  Saxon 
times  spices  were  treasures  like  gold.  It  is 
a  significant  fact  that  the  first  English  voyage 
under  the  East  India  Company  in  1603 
returned  a  cargo  of  cloves,  pepper,  cinnamon, 
and  calicoes.  We  can  never  read  in  a  list  of 
household  accounts  or  cooking  receipts  of  that 
day,  even  of  so  simple  a  dish  as  a  roast  of 
mutton,  without  finding  parsley,  cloves,  endive, 
succory,  strawberry-leaves,  violets,  "seal- 
lions,"  "sause  and  soppes,"  — the  latter  often 
of  sorrel,  —  as  accompaniments  of  the  roast. 
Often  cinnamon,   mace,   and  even   musk,    are 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

also  named.  Perfumes  were  a  constant,  but 
to  us  an  uninviting  accompaniment  of  sauces. 
The  methods  of  transporting  and  preserving 
fish  and  flesh  were  very  inferior,  very  crude ; 
hence  the  meat  often  needed  the  disguise  of 
spices,  and  possibly  of  perfumes,  if  it  were  to 
be  at  all  palatable.  "  Piquant  sauce  "  was  a 
universal  favorite  of  our  forefathers,  and  a 
common  ingredient  of  all  sauces  was  saffron. 
This  was  largely  grown  throughout  Suffolk. 
I  will  not  attempt  to  give  any  detailed  expla- 
nation of  the  manner  of  cooking,  nor  of  the 
supplies  of  the  larder  in  the  Winthrop  house- 
hold. I  know  Madam  Winthrop  was  a  good 
"provider,"  from  the  frequent  and  bountiful 
country  provender,  such  as  "  a  cupple  of  cap- 
pons, "  "  turkies,  syder, "  puddings,  and  cheese, 
which  she  sent  to  her  husband  in  London;  but 
I  fear  Winthrop  was  not  a  very  valiant  trench- 
erman.    Early  in  life,  in  1612,  he  wrote :  — 

''f&nding  that  the  variety  of  meates  drawes  me 
on  to  eate  more  than  standeth  with  my  healthe,  I 
have  resolved  not  to  eat  more  than  2  dishes  at 
any  one  meale,  whether  fish  flesh  fowle  or  fruit  or 
whittmeats  etc;  whether  at  home  or  abroad  the 
Lorde  give  me  care  and  ahilitie  to  perform  it. 

This  was  a  resolve  typical  of  the  temperance 
of  his  nature,  and  he  persevered  in  his 
determination.     He  wrote  in   1617 :  — 


TUE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

*'I  doe  finde  by  experience  of  some  good  tyme, 
that  a  spare  diet  and  abstinence  from  worldly  de- 
lights is  a  great  meanes  of  keepinge  both  bodye 
and  mind  fitt  and  lively  to  holye  duties;  I  was 
wont  when  I  snpped  liberally,  that  I  was  sleepye 
and  unwieldye  in  my  family  exercises ;  and  nowe 
when  I  eate  but  little  and  that  ordinarily  but 
bread  and  beere,  I  am  cheerful  and  unweariable  iu 
them." 

The  dairy-maid,  Tusser  says,  was  a  droy,  — 
a  droll  or  drudge,  whose  labors  seemed  unend- 
ing, but  whose  work  was  important,  especially 
in  Suffolk,  the  county  of  milk  and  cheese. 

"  Good  huswife  in  dairy  that  needs  not  be  told 
Deserveth  her  fee  to  be  paid  her  iu  gold. 

"  Good  droy  to  serve  hog,  to  help  wash  and  to  milk 
More  needful  is  truly  than  some  iu  their  silk." 

We  gain  also  this  good  advice,  — 

"  Though  cat  (a  good  mouser)  doth  dweU  in  the  house 
Yet  ever  in  dairy  have  trap  for  a  mouse. 

"  Take  heed  how  thou  layest  the  bane  for  the  rats 
For  poisoning  of  servant,  thyseK  and  thy  brats." 

The  old  English  word  brats  was  not  then  a 
term  of  contempt.  We  read  in  Gascoigne's 
De  Profundis :  "  0,  household  of  the  Lord ! 
O,  Abraham's  brats  1  0  brood  of  blessed 
seed!" 

5  65 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

I  have  often  seen  "  Jron  mowse  snappys  "  in 
old-time  inventories,  showing  that  the  injunc- 
tion to  use  mouse-traps  was  heeded. 

The  household  scouring  was  a  matter,  we 
have  seen,  of  much  weight. 

"  Though  scouriug  be  needfvil,  yet  scouring  too  much 
Is  pride  without  profit  and  robbeth  thine  hutch. 

"  Keep  kettles  from  knocks,  set  tubs  out  of  sun 
For  mending  is  costly  and  crackt  is  soon  done." 

The  great  washing-time  was  also  a  thleving- 
time,  and  warning  was  accordingly  in  detail 
given,  to  look  out  for  picking  and  stealing, 
beginning  with  the  familiar  lines,  — 

"  Dry  sun,  dry  wind, 
Safe  bind,  safe  find." 

When  a  month's,  or  possibly  three  months' 
freshly  washed  clothes  were  spread  to  dry  and 
bleach  in  the  yards  or  on  the  hedges,  it  was 
certainly  a  gi-eat  temptation  to  rogues.  From 
The  Fraternitye  of  Vagabonds  I  learn  that 
a  special  name  was  given  at  that  time  to  a 
thief  who  stole  the  wash;  he  was  a  "Pryg- 
man,"  and  this  form  of  thievery  was  every- 
where called  "storeing  the  rogeman. " 

When  Madam  Winthrop  ordered  the  monthly 
laundering  for  the  Winthrop  household,  it 
was  not  the  comparatively  simple  affair  which 


TEE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

a  similar  function  would  be  to-day.  The 
water  had  all  to  be  carried  by  hand  and  heated 
in  kettles.  The  soap  had  doubtless  been 
made,  with  tedious  exhaustion,  in  the  home, 
by  a  trying  process  of  leaching  wood  ashes 
and  boiling  the  lye  with  household  grease. 
Bristol  soap,  a  coarse  brown  soap,  was  the 
popular  soap  in  market,  but  it  was  high- 
priced.  Various  substitutes  were  used  for 
washing  household  linen,  mud  and  ashes 
being  the  most  cleanly.  The  starch,  except 
the  small  amount  purchased  in  London,  had 
Ijeen  prepared  from  wheat  by  a  laborious  and 
tiresome  process  of  soaking.  The  various 
modern  machines  for  reducing  the  labors  of 
the  process  were  all  unknown;  the  utensils 
would  seem  to  us  scanty  and  few. 

In  "  dinner  matters "  the  directions  are 
plain :  — 

"  By  noon  see  your  dinner  be  ready  and  neat. 
Poor  seggons,  half  starved,  work  faintly  and  dull 
And  lubbers  do  loiter  their  bellies  too  full." 

"  Three  dishes  well  dressed  and  welcome  withal 
Both  pleaseth  thy  friend  and  bccometh  thy  hall." 

In  the  afternoon,  after  the  servants  are  set 
to  work,  and  the  dinner  is  cleared,  the  list  of 
the  housekeeper's  work  is  most  interesting. 
It  shows  the  many  petty  household  economics. 

67 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

"  Who  many  do  feed 
Save  much  they  had  need. 

"  Piece  hole  to  defend 
Things  timely  amend. 

**  Good  sempsters  be  sewing  of  pretty  fine  knacks, 
Good  housewives  be  mending  and  piecing  their  sacks. 

"  Buy  new  as  is  meet, 
]\Iark  blanket  and  sheet. 

"  Though  ladies  may  rend  and  buy  new  every  day, 
Good  housewives  roust  mend  and  buy  new  as  they  may. 

"  Call  quarterly  servants  to  court  and  to  leet ; 
Write  every  coverlet,  blanket  and  sheet. 

"  Save  feathers  for  guest ; 
These  other  rob  chest. 

"  Save  wing  for  a  thresher  when  gander  doth  die, 
Save  feathers  of  all  things,  the  softer  to  lie. 

"  Much  spice  is  a  thief,  so  is  candle  and  fier ; 
Sweet  sauce  is  as  crafty  as  ever  was  friar." 

To  our  own  day  did  these  economical  and 
industrious  customs  linger.  The  feathers 
were  saved  for  heds,  the  gander's  wing  for  a 
thresher  or  duster.  The  good  housewife  in 
the  afternoon  mended  and  marked  her  linen. 
As  evening  lowered, 

"  See  cattle  well  served  without  and  within 
And  all  things  at  quiet  ere  supper  begin." 
G8 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

To  save  steps,  each  incoming  servant  was 
instructed  to  fetch  in  wood  or  a  log  for  the 
chimney  hearth,  and  to  leave  no  clothes  in 
the  garden.  The  maid  was  to  wash  the 
dishes,  "lay  the  leavens,"  —  which  was  to  set 
the  yeast,  —  ''  save  "  the  fire,  lock  doors  and  to 
bed.    Truly  a  well-filled,  decent,  homely  life. 

Of  course  the  round  of  seasons  brought 
other  and  temporary  cares.  The  garden  was 
ever  the  Englishwoman's  delight. 

"In  March  and  in  April,  from  morning  to  night 
In  sowing  and  setting  good  huswives  delight ; 
To  have  in  a  garden  or  other  like  plot 
To  trim  up  their  house  and  to  furnish  their  pot. 

"  The  nature  of  flowers  dame  Physic  doth  show, 
She  teacheth  them  all  to  be  known  to  a  few. 
To  set  or  to  sow,  or  else  sown  to  remove, 
How  that  should  be  practised  learn  if  ye  love. 

•'  If  field  to  bear  corn  a  good  tillage  doth  crave 
What  think  ye  of  garden  that  garden  would  have? 
Oft  digging,  removing  and  weeding  ye  see 
Makes  herb  the  more  wholesome  and  greater  to  be. 

"  Cut  all  things  or  gather,  the  moon  in  the  wane, 
But  sow  in  encreasiiig,  or  give  it  his  bane. 
Who  soweth  too  late  ward  hath  seldom  good  seed ; 
^Vho  soweth  too  soon,  little  better  shall  speed." 

To  have  any  competent  knowledge  of  cookery, 
the  first  step  was  to  "learne  knowledge  of 
the  herbs  of  the  kitchen."     The  house   mis- 

G9 


MARGARET    WINTUROP 

tress  had  to  know  the  time  of  the  year,  of  the 
month,  and  of  the  moon  in  which  herbs  were 
to  be  sown ;  also  in  which  they  were  to  be 
gathered.  For  instance,  in  March,  at  the 
time  of  the  new  moon,  she  was  to  sow  garlick, 
borage,  buglos,  "  chervrile, "  coriander,  gourds, 
marjoram,  white  poppy,  purslane,  radishes, 
"borrel,"  double  marigolds,  thyme,  and 
violets.  At  the  time  of  full  moon,  anise 
seed,  beets,  "  skirrits "  or  carrots,  succory, 
fennel,  apples  of  love,  "marvellous  apples." 
At  the  wane  of  the  moon,  artichokes,  basil, 
blessed-thistle,  cole  cabbage,  white  cole, 
green  cole,  citrons,  cucumbers,  harts-horn, 
samphire,  spinach,  gillyflowers,  hyssop,  cab- 
bage, lettuce,  melons,  "  mugret "  or  mugwort, 
onions,  fiower-gentil,  burnet,  leeks,  and 
savory.  If  these  lunar  and  various  thauma- 
turgical  signs  were  disregarded,  she  could 
hope  neither  for  good  plants,  good  crops, 
nor  good  results  from  their  use.  May  brought 
other  sowing,  —  "  fimble  "  was  light,  summer 
hemp;  "carl  "  was  a  hemp  full  of  seed, — 

"  Good  flax  and  good  hemp  to  have  of  her  own 
In  May  a  good  huswife  will  see  it  be  sown, 
And  afterwards  trim  it  to  serve  at  a  need, 
The  timble  to  spin,  the  carl  for  her  seed." 

In  July  the  hemp  was  ripe. 

70 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

•<  Wife  pluck  from  thy  seed  hemp  the  fimble  hemp  clean. 

This  looketh  more  yellow,  the  other  more  green. 

''  Use  th'  one  for  thy  spinning,  leave  Michell  th'  other 
For  shoe  thread  and  hatter,  for  rope  and  such  other. 

"  Now  pluck  up  thy  flax  for  the  maidens  to  spin, 
But  first  see  it  dried  and  trimly  got  in." 

This  is  a  very  curt  way  of  disposing  of  a 
very  complicate  matter;  for  perhaps  the 
most  tedious  domestic  duty  which  Margaret 
Winthrop  had  to  perform,  or,  at  any  rate,  to 
superintend,  was  the  evohition  of  the  house- 
hold linen.  I  give  the  methods  of  her  day 
and  county  as  I  have  learned  them  from  con- 
temporary writings.  They  prevailed  with 
slight  modifications  until  this  century  in  both 
England  and  America. 

About  "  Mary  Maudlins  Day  "  the  flax  and 
hemp  were  ripe,  were  ready  to  be  gathered. 
The  plants  were  not  cut  off,  but  were  pulled 
up  by  the  roots  and  laid  flat  a  day  and  a 
night,  spread  out  on  the  ground.  The  stalks 
were  then  tied  up  in  bundles,  which  were  called 
"baits  "  or  "bates,"  —  universally  so  called  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  though  that  use  of 
the  word  is  not  found  in  our  modern  diction- 
aries. Those  baits  were  stacked  upright  till 
the  time  came  to  water  the  flax  or  hemp. 
This  was   done  preferably  in  running  water. 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

as  the  rotting  flax  was  very  offensive,  and 
poisoned  fish.  Stakes  were  set  in  the  water 
in  the  form  of  a  square,  and  the  baits  of  flax 
or  hemp  were  filled  in  solidly  between  them, 
each  alternate  layer  laid  at  right  angles  with 
the  one  beneath  it,  and  at  the  top  a  cover  of 
boards,  weighted  with  heavy  stones,  kept  the 
flax  absolutely  immovable  beneath  the  water. 
After  about  four  days  and  four  nights,  the  baits 
of  flax  were  taken  out  of  the  water,  and  all 
the  rotted  leaves  and  filth  were  removed ;  and 
they  were  then  set  upright  in  the  sun  by  the 
side  of  the  house,  the  fence,  or  wall,  to  dry 
thoroughly.  Before  watering,  "  carl "  flax 
usually  went  through  an  extra  amount  of 
drying,  and  a  process  called  "rippling,"  to 
remove  the  seed.  A  "  ripple  comb "  was 
drawn  over  the  baits  to  break  off  the  round 
seed  vessels,  — -"bobs,"  as  they  were  called, 

A  brake  of  wood  was  then  applied  with 
violent  blows  to  separate  the  woody  part  from 
the  fibres,  to  take  out  the  "hexe  from  the 
rind."  This  was  done  twice,  once  with  an 
"  open  wide  tooth  or  mixt  brake, "  then  with  a 
"  close  and  strait  brake."  This  had  to  be  done 
in  clear  sunny  weather,  for  the  flax  had  to 
be  "dry  as  tinder,"  else  it  would  not  break 
well.  The  fibres  were  then  made  into  large 
bundles,    which  were  no  longer  called  baits, 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

but  "strikes."  Chaucer  says,  "Down  it  hung 
like  a  strike  of  flax."  The  flax  usually  went 
through  the  process  of  breaking  twice.  These 
strikes  then  were  swingled  and  scraped  with 
a  wooden  swing! ing-knife,  dagger-shaped,  to 
get  out  thoroughly  the  hard  "  bun  "  in  the 
centre.  The  refuse  was  beaten  a  second  time, 
and  from  it  was  gathered  what  was  called 
"swingle-tree  hurds, "  from  which  very  coarse 
cloth  like  bagging  could  be  spun  and  woven ; 
or,  if  it  were  carded  through  coarse  wool- 
cards,  what  were  termed  "  harden  "  sheets 
could  be  made  of  it.  If  the  flax  was  then  to 
be  sold,  this  single  swingling  was  all  the 
farm  household  did ;  but  if  it  were  to  be  spun 
at  home,  it  went  through  a  second  swingling, 
and  the  refuse  of  this  process  was  called 
"hcm])en  hurding,"  or  "flax  hurdiug. " 

These  carefully  swingled  strikes  were  then 
bunched  up  in  great  rolls,  with  a  broach  or 
spit  thrust  through  them,  and  set  in  a  chimney 
corner  again  to  dry  thoroughly.  The  flax 
was  then  ready  to  be  beetled.  The  roll  was 
placed  in  a  wooden  trough  and  pounded  with 
a  heavy  pestle-shaped  beetle  till  soft,  then 
the  roll  was  opened  and  laboriously  beaten 
again.  Then  came  the  heckling  or  hatchel- 
ing,  —  a  dusty,  dirty,  wearing  work.  The 
heckle   was    a    comb-like    instrument   which 

73 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

cleaned  and  straightened  the  fibres.  This 
heckling  was  done  thrice,  —  first  with  a  coarse 
wide-toothed  comb,  then  with  finer  ones. 
The  hurds  or  refuse  of  this  process  was  also 
carefully  saved  and  spun.  The  flax  could 
now  be  spun  into  thread  or  linen  yarn  by  rock 
or  wheel.  By  the  former,  which  was  the  old 
classic  distaff,  a  finer  thread  could  be  made ; 
the  latter  was  swifter.  From  the  spindles  or 
spools  the  thread  was  reeled  off  upon  reels 
two  feet  long;  then  made  into  skeins  or  lays 
of  eighty  threads,  and  twenty  of  these  lays 
were  called  a  knot  or  slipping.  It  would  seem 
as  if  the  housewife  had  already  spent  all  the 
time  and  labor  on  her  flax  that  could  be 
endured,  but  worse  was  to  come.  These  slip- 
pings  of  thread  were  laid  in  warm  water  for 
four  days,  the  water  being  changed  each  day, 
and  the  slippings  wrung  out  carefully  and 
frequently  by  hand ;  then  finall}^  they  were 
washed  in  the  brook  till  the  water  which  was 
passed  from  them  came  perfectly  clean  and 
pure.  Then  came  the  bucking,  so  called  from 
the  bucking-tub  in  which  it  was  done.  A 
layer  of  wood  ashes  was  placed  in  the  bottom 
of  this  great  tub ;  then  a  layer  of  slippings  of 
thread ;  then  more  ashes,  and  so  on  to  the  top, 
where  it  was  covered  with  a  cloth.  A  peck 
or  two  of  ashes  was  placed  thereon,  and  water 

74 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

poured  over  it.  In  this  lye  the  slippings  ay 
all  night.  In  the  morning  came  the  exhaust- 
ing process  known  as  "driving  a  buck  of 
yarn."  The  linen  yarn  was  for  four  hours 
basted  with  hot  lye,  and  wrung  out  as  hot  as 
possiljle,  put  in  fresh  lye  and  beaten,  and  so 
over  and  over  again.  Then  it  was  kneaded 
by  hand  "  a  pretty  while. "  For  a  week  there- 
after it  lay  in  water  which  was  constantly 
changed.  Then  came  a  grand  seething,  beat- 
ing, rinsing,  washing,  and  drying,  when, 
being  deemed  thoroughly  scoured  and  whi- 
tened, the  slippings  were  wound  in  round  balls 
and  were  ready  for  weaving.  There  were 
other  and  a  trifle  less  tedious  processes  of 
bleaching  the  yarn,  — one  with  bran  and  warm 
water,  another  with  osier-sticks,  —  but  they 
were  deemed  rather  shiftless  methods. 

The  linen  thread  was  often  woven  into  linen 
cloth  away  from  home  at  a  weaver's;  but 
wherever  the  web  was  made,  it  was  not  even 
then  deemed  finished.  It  seems  almost  too 
much  to  know  that  it  went  again  through  the 
process  of  bucking,  "possing,"  and  drying. 
Then  loops  were  sewed  on  the  selvedge  edges, 
stakes  were  driven  in  the  turf,  and  the  web 
was  spread  between  them,  drawn  tightly  in  the 
sun  for  weeks.  It  had  to  be  kept  slightly  wet 
all  this  time,  but  not  too  wet,  lest  it  mildew. 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Thus  months  were  occupied  in  these  ex- 
hausting processes.  Sometimes  the  linen  was 
" bucked  "  and  "belted"  twenty  times  during 
its  manufacture  before  it  was  purely  white.  It 
is  really  with  a  keen  sense  of  relief  that  we 
read  that  sometimes  "  swort  housewives " 
bucked  the  web  with  lye  and  green  hemlock, 
"which  was  a  much  more  speedy  method ;  but, 
alas,  this  was  deemed  highly  discreditable, 
being  "foul  and  uncertain." 

The  fleeces  of  wool  from  the  sheep,  which 
were  raised  on  every  farm  in  Suffolk,  added 
to  the  goodwife's  hours  of  weariness.  When 
the  farmer  gave  the  domestic  share  of  the 
yearly  wool  to  her,  she  opened  each  fleece 
with  care,  cut  away  all  the  coarse  locks,  pitch, 
brands,  tarred  locks,  and  "other  feltrings." 
These  were  not  wasted,  but  were  spun  into 
yarn  for  coarse  coverlids.  She  then  tossed 
and  separated  the  better  locks,  laying  care- 
fully out  the  pure  white,  and,  separating  the 
others  into  proper  portions,  placed  them  in 
net  bags  with  tallies  showing  the  color  each 
bag  was  to  be  dyed.  When  she  had  dyed  the 
wool  (a  most  important  process),  she  spread 
the  various  colored  wools  in  layers  to  make  a 
mixed  color,  then  rolled  all  the  layers  up 
together,  and  combed  and  carded  it  till  the 
colors    were    thoroughly    mixed.     Then    she 

76 


f 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 


greased  it  with  rape-oil  or  melted  "swines- 
grease,"  rubbing  the  warm  grease  in  slowly. 
This  was  an  exceedingly  trying  process, 
requiring  much  judgment.  Then  the  greased 
wool  was  carded  all  over  again,  sometimes 
three  times.  An  old  author  says  the  "actions 
of  spinning  must  be  learned  by  practice  not 
by  relation ;  "  so  I  will  not  attempt  to  explain 
the  spinning  on  a  great  wheel  of  this  wool 
into  yarn,  which,  after  being  wound  into  round 
"clews,"  had  still  to  be  woven,  washed, 
dressed,  fulled,  and  sheared,  and  then  clothed 
with  homespun  the  household. 

Tusser  did  not  forget  the  methods  of  pro- 
vision for  household  illumination ;  he  did  not 
fail  to  enjoin  candle-making,  — 

"  Wife  make  thine  own  candle 
Spare  penny  to  handle. 

"Provide  for  thy  tallow  ere  frost  cometh  in, 
And  make  thine  own  candle  ere  winter  begin." 

To  all  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  century 
housewives  the  candle-dipping  was  a  great 
autumnal  household  duty,  and  it  was  a  tedious 
and  monotonous  one.  I  know  very  well  how 
Margaret  Winthrop  thriftily  prepared  her 
winter's  stock  of  candles,  as  well  as  if  I  had 
seen  her  do  it.  An  early  morning  hour  had 
found  the  preparations  all  carefully  made,  and 

77 


MARGARET    WINTHROP 

the  work  well  under  way.  A  roaring  fire  in 
the  great  fireplace  was  under  two  great 
kettles,  hung  on  trammels  from  the  lug-pole, 
and  filled  with  water  and  with  melted  tallow, 
which  had  been  gathered  with  pains  from  the 
slaughtered  farm-animals  of  the  manor.  At 
the  end  of  the  great  kitchen,  or  in  an  adjoin- 
ing and  cooler  room,  long  poles  were  extended 
from  form  to  form  or  from  stool  to  stool. 
Across  these  poles  were  laid  at  regular  inter- 
vals, like  the  rounds  of  a  ladder,  shorter 
candle-rods.  To  each  candle-rod  was  attached 
a  dozen  or  so  candle-wicks,  of  loosely  spun 
tow,  sometimes  dipped  in  saltpetre.  The 
carefully  straightened  wicks  were  dipped  time 
after  time  into  the  melted  tallow,  and  grew  so 
slowly  that  the  process  seemed  never-ending. 
The  tallow  was  constantly  replenished,  the 
kettle  swung  off  and  used  until  the  tallow  was 
too  cool,  when  it  was  again  melted ;  and  so  on 
through  the  tedious  day.  It  was  a  matter  of 
much  pride  to  each  housewife  to  have  a  plenti- 
ful stock  of  symmetrical  white  candles;  and 
wax  candles  were  made  in  moulds.  The 
keeping  of  bees,  which  was  so  universal,  was 
evidently  quite  as  much  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  wax  for  candles,  as  for  the  succu- 
lent honey  which  was  such  a  universal  sweet- 
ening when  "  loaves  of  sugar "  were  high- 
:s 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

priced,  far  from  common,  and  looked  upon  as 
a  form  of  spice. 

Candles  conld,  of  course,  be  bought,  but 
they  cost  fourpcnce  apiece,  and  chandlers 
had  already  learned  to  cheat  in  their  manu- 
facture. Stubbes,  in  his  Anatomy  of  Abuses, 
complains  of  their  false  weights  and  meas- 
ures, and  of  the  poor  kitchen  stuff  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  candles.  He  says  of  these 
poor  candles,  — 

"They  waste  and  consume  away  like  unto  ware 
against  tlie  fire  and  shall  never  become  cleere  nor 
give  good  light,  but  run  over  and  about  the  candle- 
sticke  too  shamefully.  And  as  for  the  wikes  within 
them,  they  are  of  hurds,  rope  end  &  such  other 
stuff e.  Besides  all  this  they  have  sleights  to 
make  the  liquor  of  the  candles  alwaies  to  remains 
soft,  to  the  end  tliat  it  may  waste  and  consume  the 
faster,  with  legions  of  like  divises.  God'  be 
merciful  unto  us!  " 

I  cannot  think  that  Mistress  Winthrop  bought 
candles  of  the  tallow-chandlers. 

Turning  again  to  Tusser's  quaint  instruc- 
tions in  housewifery,  we  learn  that  by  August 
harvest  seeds  were  ripe. 

"  Maids  mustard  seed  gather,  fore  being  too  ripe 
And  mather  it  well  ere  ye  give  it  a  stripe. 
Then  dress  it  and  lay  it  in  seller  up  sweet 
Lest  foistness  make  it  for  table  unmeet. 
79 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

*'  Good  huswifes  in  summer  ■will  save  their  own  seeds 
Against  the  next  year  as  occasion  needs. 
One  seed  for  another  to  make  an  exchange 
With  fellowly  neighborhood  seemeth  not  strange." 

In  the  fall,  strawbeny,  gooseberrj^,  and  rasp- 
berry plants  were  to  be  set  out.  Wormwood 
was  to  be  gathered  in  large  amounts,  to  be 
used  to  drive  out  fleas.  Eels  were  stewed  and 
pickled  for  Lent,  and  even  in  Puritan  house- 
holds were  carefully  stored.  The  English  of 
that  day  were  great  fish-eaters.  After  harvest 
was  well  in,  the  squire  or  farmer  rode  to  sea- 
shore or  market-town  to  bring  home  (or  order 
to  be  brought)  ling  salt-fish  and  herring  for 
winter  use.  Fish  was  bought  in  such  quantities 
that  it  was  stacked  up  by  the  housewife  with 
pease  straw  till  used.  Then  there  were  feasts 
of  the  ploughmen  to  be  provided  for,  —  Plough 
Monday  after  Twelfth-tide;  Shrove-tide,  with 
fritters  and  pancakes ;  sheep-shearing,  when 

"  Wife,  make  us  a  dinner,  spare  flesh,  neither  corn. 
Make  wafers  and  cake,  for  our  sheep  must  be  shorn." 

Then  came  the  plentiful  harvest  home,  when 
each  laborer  had  a  fat  goose.  At  the  end  of 
wheat-sowing  the  housewife  still  had  to  pro- 
vide for  another  festival,  making  for  it  special 
hocky-cakes,  —  "  seed  cakes,  pasties,  and  fur- 
menty  pot. " 

80 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

In  Suffolk  and  Essex  there  were,  of  course, 
specially  wearisome  days  when  the  hop- 
harvest  was  ripe,  for  the  hop-gatherers  had  to 
be  housed  and  fed.  As  early  as  1596  the 
Perfitc  Platform  of  a  Hop  Garden  was  pub- 
lished, and  hops  were  even  at  that  date  an 
important  farm  product. 

The  goodwife's  duties  did  not  end  with  the 
last  of  the  accumulative  harvests;  she  still 
had  to  provide  "good  huswifely  physick." 

"  Good  huswives  provide  ere  an  sickness  do  come 
Of  sundry  good  things  in  her  house  to  have  some. 
Good  aqua  coraposita,  vinegar  tart, 
Roscwater  and  treacle  to  comfort  tlie  heart. 
Conserve  of  the  barberry,  quinces  an<l  such. 
With  sirops  that  easeth  the  sickly  so  much. 
Ask  Medicus  counsel  ere  medicine  ye  make, 
And  honor  that  man  for  necessity's  sake." 

The  duties  of  the  still-room,  the  making  of 
scores  of  medicinal  waters,  of  conserves,  pre- 
serves, and  dried  and  candied  fruits,  were  the 
]>ride  of  a  seventeenth-century  housekeeper. 
We  constantly  find  references  to  these  duties. 
This  list  was  given  of  plants  which  should 
be  distilled  by  every  notable  housewife: 
"Roses,  borage,  femingtory,  brakes,  eolum- 
bynes,  okeyu-leafes,  hartes-tongue,  draggons, 
parcely,  balmc,  walnut-leefes,  long-de-becf, 
prymer-roses,   saige,  sorrel,  red-mynt,  betany 

6  81 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

cowslops,  dandclyon,  fennel,  scabies,  elder- 
flowers,  mary-golds,  \vilde-tanse3',  "wormwode, 
woodebinde,  endyffe,  and  bourse."  As  some 
of  these  had  to  be  gathered  just  before  sunrise, 
and  some  at  midnight,  we  can  see  that  the 
cares  of  the  still-room  left  few  idle  moments 
for  the  "  compleat  houswife. " 

A  picture  of  the  duties  of  a  Puritan  wife  in 
her  manor-house  is  given  in  the  memoir  of 
Ambrose  Barnes :  — 

''  Of  her  daughters  she  was  a  most  prudent 
governess,  keeping  them  at  their  needles  after  they 
had  left  the  boarding-school.  She  put  them  in 
mind  of  the  tortoise,  the  emblem  of  a  woman  who 
should  be  a  keeper  at  home,  as  the  tortoise  seldom 
peeps  out  of  its  shell.  She  directed  them  in  their 
carriage  abroad,  tliat  visits  were  not  to  be  made 
with  too  much  freedom  nor  too  much  frequency, 
which  would  be  the  best  way  to  keep  up  friendship. 
Her  servants  she  would  also  have  her  eye  upon, 
and  let  them  know  with  an  honorable  woman  we 
read  of  that  the  sermons  they  heard  on  Lords 
Dayes  were  not  over,  though  church-time  was  over, 
until  they  were  put  in  practice.  Besides  the  pills, 
electuaries,  conserves,  candies,  sirrips,  and  many 
distillations  she  made  use  of  in  her  family,  she 
kept  a  closet  of  receipts  for  salves,  ointments,  pow- 
ders, and  diet  drinks,  which  she  sent  to  the  poor, 
sometimes  visiting  them  herself,  sometimes  send- 
ing to  see  how  they  did,  and  taking  care  in  their 
sickness  that  they  were  clean  kept." 

82 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

This  account  would  indicate  that  the 
daughters  of  the  manor  were  educated  even  at 
that  day  in  boarding-schools,  but  we  know 
little  of  these  schools. 

Mr.  Shirley  found  an  interesting  bill  of  one 
young  lady's  school  expenses  in  1646  at  a 
Richmond  school.     It  reads  thus :  — 

*'An  account  for  Peggy's  Disbursements  since 
her  going  to  Schoole  at  Richmond,  being  in 
Sept.  1646. 

Pajd  f«u-  a  lovehood, 

For  cariing  the  truncke  to  Queenhitlie, 

For  cariing  it  to  Hammersmith, 

Pa3'd  for  2  pair  of  shoes, 

Payd  for  a  singing-booke, 

Given  to  Mrs  Jervoises  maid, 

Payd  for  a  hairlace  and  a  pair  of  show- 
strings, 

For  an  inckhorne. 

For    faggots    2s.    8d.,     and    cleaving   of 
wood,    12d. 

For  9  li.  of  soape,  2s.  4d.,  and  starch,  4d. 

For  hookes  and  a  bolt  for  the  door, 

For  sugar  and  licorisb. 

For  silke  and  thread, 

For  3  li.  of  soape,  lid.,  and  starch  4d., 
&  carrying  letters,  6d. 

For  3  li.  of  soape  12d.,  and  starch  4d. 

For  sugar,  licorisb,  and  coults  foot, 
83 


s. 

d. 

2 

6 

8 

1 

4 

1 

1 

1 

0 

4 

3 

8 

8 

9 

1 

4 

6 

1 

9 

1 

4 

1 

6 

MARGARET   WINTHROP 

8.  d. 

For  a  necklace  12d.,  for  a  m  of  pins,  12d.         2 
For  a  pair  of  cands  6d.,  for  muckadine  4d. 

for  womsend  2d.  1 

For  show  strings   6d.,   for   going   on   er- 
rands 6d.  1 
For  3  li.  of  soape  12d.,  for  starch  4d.,  for 

thread  and  silk,  4d.  1     8 

For  a  bason  4d.,  for  carrying  letters  6d. 

for  tape  4d.  1     2 

For  soap  12d.,  for  starch  4d.,  for  going 

on  errands,  6d.  1  10 

For  a  pattins  Is.  6d.,  for  three  pair  of 

shoes  6s.  7     4 

For  callico  to  line  her  stockins  2d.,   for 

showstrings  4d.  0     6 

For  3  li.  of  soape  12d.,  for  a  pint  of  white 

wine  4d.  1     4 

For  ale  3d.,  for  |  li.  of  sugar  8d.  11 

For  a  m  of  pins  12d.,  for  a  corle  and  one 

pair  of  half-handed  gloves  8d.  1 

Given  to  the  Writing  mr,  2 

For  silver  for  the  toothpick  case,  1 

For  silke  12d.,  for  a  toothpick  case  4d.  1 

For  a  Sampler  12d.,  for  thread,  needles, 

paper  pins  and  parchment  30d.  3 

For  a  pair  of  shoes  2s.  2d.,  for  ribbon  3d.         2 
For  soape  19d.,  for  starch  4d.,  for  cariing 

letter  4d.  1 

To   the    waterman    bringing    the    box  to 

Richmond,  1 

84 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

s.   d. 
For  shoestrings  6d.,  for  a  purge  18d.,  2 

For  a  coach  from  Fleete  Streete  1 

For  wood  to  this  time  15  10 

Totall    disbursements    to   this   15th    day 

of  Aprill  1647  is  £3.  18s.  M. 

Opinions  as  to  the  intellectual  results  of 
this  form  of  education,  notions  of  the  intelli- 
gence and  culture  of  the  women  of  that  day 
differ  widely. 

In  the  famous  third  chapter  of  Macaulay's 
History  of  England  is  a  sentence  upon  the 
lives  of  the  ladies  in  English  manors  at  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II.,  about  the  year 
1685.  It  is  often  quoted,  but  most  incor- 
rectly, as  showing  the  life  of  the  wives  of  the 
Puritan  and  Pilgrim  colonists  before  emigra- 
tion. That  half-century  since  1620  had  been 
a  long  time  in  the  history  of  England,  and 
there  had  been  vast  improvement  in  many 
social  conditions.  Still  I  cannot  see  that  the 
intellectual  status  of  women  was  much  lower, 
as  Macaulay  thinks,  except  in  the  court. 
Macaulay  says,  "The  literary  stores  of  the 
lady  of  the  manor  and  of  her  daughters 
generally  consisted  of  a  prayer-book  and  a 
receipt-book."  I  know  that  Puritan  house- 
holds then,  and  for  nearly  a  century  previous, 

85 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

always  contained  a  Bible,  and  usually  many 
of  the  tedious  religious  books  of  the  period, 
and  that  these  books  were  studied  and  quoted 
by  the  women  readers.  When  Rev.  Thomas 
Morse  died  in  Foxearth,  Essex  County,  Eng- 
land, he  bequeathed  "unto  my  eight  youngest 
children  Eight  Bybles  every  one  of  them  a 
Byble  to  be  provyded  at  the  cost  of  my  eldest 
Sonne  upon  w''**  Condicon  I  give  him  all  my 
bookes  in  my  Studdye. "  This  entry  is  cited 
as  an  example  of  scores  of  other  wills  similar 
in  wording,  by  which  it  may  be  plainly  seen 
that  each  daughter  of  the  Puritans  certainly 
owned  a  Bible. 

Philip  Stubbes,  the  Puritan,  wrote  of  his 
wife :  — 

**Her  whole  delight  was  to  be  conversant  with 
the  Scriptures  and  to  meditate  on  them  day  and 
night;  insomuch  that  you  could  seldome  or  never 
have  found  her  without  a  Bible  or  some  otlier  good 
book  in  her  hand,  and  when  she  was  not  reading, 
she  would  spend  her  time  in  conferring,  talking 
and  reasoning  with  her  husband  of  the  word  of 
God." 

Macaulay  makes  another  misleading  decla- 
ration of  seventeenth-century  English  women. 
He  says :  — 

**  Ladies  highly  born,  highly  bred,  and  natur- 
ally quick  witted,  were  unable  to  write  a  line  of 

86 


THE   PUniTAy  IIOCSFAVIFE 

their  mother  tongue  without  solecisms  and  faults 
of  spelling  such  as  a  charity  girl  would  now  be 
ashamed  to  commit." 

This  sentence,  while  true  in  detail  from  a 
modern  point  of  view,  shows  a  singularly- 
limited  perception,  indeed  a  very  erroneous 
conception,  of  the  orthographical  methods  of 
that  day.  These  women  spelt  exactly  as  well, 
and  as  badly,  as  did  their  husbands  and 
fathers,  as  did  commoners  and  nobles,  as  did 
the  kings.  Macaulay  cites,  as  an  example  of 
feminine  illiteracy,  Queen  Mary's  spelling 
"crownation. "  As  a  triumph  of  ingenious 
and  riotous  cacography,  the  letters  of  James  I. 
are  a  far  more  shining  example:  "rewlis" 
for  "rules,"  "ansourdes"  for  "answered," 
"  straingeris  "  and  "  vertuouse  "  are  some  speci- 
mens. In  this  misspelling  I  do  not  place  his 
Scotch  forms  quhich,  quhat,  quhillc,  quhcn, 
instead  of  which,  what,  etc.  Though  King 
James  spelt  "as  a  charity  girl  would  now  be 
ashamed  to  do,"  his  worst  detractor  could  not 
upon  that  count  call  him  either  ignorant  or  illit- 
erate. Spelling  seems  to  have  been  fixed  by  no 
definite  laws.  In  a  single  sentence  an  educated 
man  would  spell  the  same  word  in  as  many 
different  ways  as  he  could  readily  devise. 
An  inspection  of  a  copy  of  Paradise  Lost, 
printed   in  1668,  reveals  many  vagaries  and 

87 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

groteaqueries  of  spelling.  The  various  col- 
lections of  letters,  published  b}^  the  Camden 
and  Surtees  Societies,  abound  in  orthographi- 
cal surprises.  It  was  not  because  women 
were  uneducated  that  they  spelt  irregularly, 
but  because  there  was  then  no  bad  spelling. 
Any  form  of  a  word,  which  did  not  vary  too 
widely  from  the  more  frequent  spelling,  would 
pass  and  not  indicate  illiteracy.  The  letters 
of  Anne  and  Mary  and  Margaret  and  Elizabeth 
Winthrop  are  just  as  well  spelled  as  those  of 
either  of  the  John  Winthrops,  and  surpass 
those  of  Adam,  John  Winthrop's  son.  The 
letters  of  Lucy  Downing,  a  sister  of  John 
Winthrop,  would  compare  very  favorably  with 
the  letters  of  any  literate  man  of  her  day. 

We  could  not  know  all  of  this  Puritan 
housewife  unless  we  knew  what  manner  of 
garments  she  wore.  I  have  noted  in  nearly 
all  the  letters  that  I  have  seen  which  were 
written  by  women  two  centuries  ago,  how  few 
and  how  slight  are  the  allusions  contained 
therein  to  dress.  Yet  to  both  colonist  and 
Englishman  of  that  day,  dress  was  a  matter 
of  much  importance,  and  even  dignity.  A 
regard  for  dress  was  then,  as  now,  an  indica- 
tion of  due  respect  for  the  proprieties  of  life ; 
and  it  was  then  also  a  symbol  of  social  dis- 
tinction.    Attempts  were  made  in  the  mother 

88 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

country  and  in  the  colonics  to  restrict  dress 
by  sumptuary  laws,  in  order  that  distinctions 
of  social  standing  might  be  still  more  defini- 
tive and  evident ;  but  these  were  scarce  more 
than  attempts.  As  laws  they  were  but  little 
heeded.  The  references  in  Margaret  Win- 
throp's  correspondence,  both  in  her  own  writ- 
ings and  in  letters  written  to  her,  to  the  attire 
either  of  her  family  or  herself,  are  but  few, 
—  t«o  few  to  give  scarce  a  hint  even  of  what 
she  or  they  wore.  Curiously  enough,  the 
most  extended  though  not  particular  reference 
to  dress  is  in  one  of  the  long  love-letters 
which  still  exist,  which  were  written  by  John 
Winthrop  to  Margaret  Winthrop  shortly  be- 
fore their  marriage.  As  might  be  expected, 
it  firmly  counsels  simplicity  of  attire.  The 
paragraph  runs  thus :  — 

"Nowe  my  deare  hearte  let  me  parlye  a  little 
with  thee  about  trifles,  for  when  I  am  present  with 
thee,  my  speeche  is  preiudiced  by  thy  presence 
which  drawes  my  mind  from  itaelfe;  I  suppose 
now,  upon  thy  iinkles  cominge  there  wilbe  advis- 
inge  &  counsellinge  of  all  hands;  and  amongst 
many  I  know  there  wilbe  some,  that  wilbe  pro- 
vokinge  thee,  in  these  indifferent  things,  as  matter 
of  apparell,  fashions  and  other  circumstances, 
ratlier  to  give  contente  to  their  vaine  minds  sa- 
vouringe  too  muche  of  the  fleshe  &c  then  to  be 
89 


MA  n  a  A  RE  T    WINTIIROP 

guided  by  tlie  rule  of  Gods  worde  w'^''  must  be  the 
light  and  the  Kule;  for  allthoughe  I  doe  easyly 
grant  that  tlie  Kingdome  of  heaven  is  not  meat  & 
drinke  apparell  &c  but  Righteousnesse  peace  &c ; 
yet  being  forbidden  to  fashion  ourselves  like  unto 
this  worlde  and  to  avoid  not  onely  evill  but  all 
appearance  of  it  must  be  avoyded,  and  allso  what 
soever  may  breed  offence  to  the  weake  (for  which  I 
praye  thee  reade  for  thy  direction  the  xiir  5th  to 
the  Rom;)  and  for  that  Christians  are  rather  to 
seek  to  edifie  than  to  please,  I  hould  it  a  rule  of 
Christian  wisdome  in  all  things  to  follow  the 
soberest  examples ;  I  confesse  'that  there  be  some 
ornaments  which  for  Virgins  and  Knights  Daugli- 
ters  &c  may  be  comly  and  tollerable  w*^*"  yet  in 
soe  great  a  change  as  thine  is,  may  well  admitt  a 
change  allso;  I  will  medle  with  noe  particulars 
neither  doe  I  thinke  it  shall  be  needfull;  thine  own 
"wisdome  and  godlinesse  shall  teach  thee  sufficiently 
what  to  doe  in  such  things,  and  the  good  assur- 
ance w""^  I  have  of  thy  unfained  love  towards  me 
makes  me  perswaded  that  thou  wilt  have  care  of 
my  contentment  seeing  it  must  be  a  chiefe  staye 
to  thy  comfort;  and  with  all  the  greate  and  sin- 
cere desire  w''"'  I  have  that  there  might  be  no  dis- 
couragement to  daunt  the  edge  of  my  affections, 
whyle  they  are  truly  labouring  to  settle  and  repose 
themselves  in  thee,  makes  mee  thus  watchfull  & 
iealous  of  the  least  occasion  that  Sathan  might  stir 
up  to  our  discomfort.  He  that  is  faithfull  in  the 
least  wilbe  faithfull  in  the  greatest,  but  I  am  too 
fearfull  I  doe  thee  wronge.     I  know  thou  wilt  not 

90 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

grieve  me  for  trifles.      Let  me  intreate  thee  (my 
sweet  Love)  to  take  all  iu  good  part." 

This  letter  was  certainly  most  discouraging 
to  "unklc  and  all  hands,"  who  were  thinking 
of  or  planning  for  any  elaborate  "  setting  out " 
of  bridal  bravery;  and  I  think  it  is  safe  to 
believe  that  this  "Virgin  and  Knights 
Daughter,"  who  so  truly  loved  her  suitor, 
made  her  "great  change,"  and  came  to  the 
home  of  her  sober-minded  husband  in  appro- 
priately sober,  though  comely  and  tolerable 
garments. 

In  these  lines  John  Winthrop  follows  the 
same  line  of  thought  that  we  find  in  a  contem- 
porary book  of  instructions  to  a  good  English 
housewife.  The  author  begs  his  readers  to 
dress  "without  garish  garnishes  or  the  gloss 
of  light  colours;  and  as  far  from  the  vanitye 
of  new  and  fantastick  fashions,  as  neer  to  the 
comely  imitation  of  modest  matrons." 

The  meagre  references  to  dress  in  other 
Winthrop  letters  are  vague  and  general. 

"I  send  thee  stockeiis  starch  silke  and  other 
things." 

"Your  mother  desires  your  A.  Fones  to  buye 
her  4  oz.  more  of  tlie  black  worsted  she  sent  her 
before.     We  want  white  starche." 

*'I  pray  buy  me  a  pair  of  stirrup  stockens  the 
warmest  you  can  get." 

91 


MARGARET  WINTUROP 

"For  tlie  stuff  for  the  gowns  you  may  buy  it  <<i 
some  olive  color  or  such  like.  Either  let  them  be 
several  colors  or  else  the  velvet  for  the  capes  of 
several  colors." 

'*I  will  remember  M.  her  gown  and  petticoat 
and  the  childrens  girdles." 

**I  send  two  pieces  of  Lockerum;  cloth  for  a 
cloke  and  sute  for  Forth  &  for  a  night  gowne  for 
thyselfe.  Lett  me  know  what  trimming  I  shall 
send  for  thy  gowne." 

To  this  last  query  Margaret  Winthrop 
answered  in  a  thoroughly  feminine  postscript 
to  her  next  letter,  — 

"I  have  not  yet  received  the  things  you  sent; 
when  I  see  the  cloth  I  will  send  word  what  trim- 
ming will  serve." 

It  should  be  remembered  that  a  night  gown 
in  those  days  was  not  a  garment  worn  during 
sleep ;  that  was  a  night  rail.  A  night  gown 
was  a  handsome  dressing-gown,  so  the  trim- 
ming for  it  was  a  matter  of  some  importance. 
"  My  sister  would  have  her  cloke  and  faurgard 
sent  up."  A  woman  editor  would  have  known 
that  this  should  not  have  been  printed  "  faur- 
gard, "  but  "  savegard ; "  the  long  s  and  u  for 
•y,  aided  by  masculine  ignorance  of  feminine 
dress,  causing  this  natural  error.  A  "save- 
gard "  was  a  universal  article  of  woman's  attire 
in  that  day  when  travel  was   so  largely  on 

92 


THE  rum  TAN  HOUSEWIFE 

horseback.  Its  name  was  significant  of  its 
use.  It  was  an  over  petticoat  of  stout  stuff, 
"vsorn  by  women  to  protect  the  skirt  of  the 
gown  from  mud  and  wet  when  the  wearer  was 
riding.  In  the  year  1600  Queen  Elizabeth 
had  thirty-one  cloaks  and  safeguards,  forty- 
three  jupes  and  safeguards,  and  thirteen  single 
safeguards.  The  name  was  used  in  England 
till  this  century.  The  garment  is  still  worn 
there  by  farmers'  wives.  Safeguards  arc 
often  named  in  New  England  inventories. 

Mr.  Smith  was  evidently  the  London  tailor 
who  fashioned  gowns  and  coats  and  breeches 
for  the  Winthrop  family.  Madam  Winthrop 
writes,  "I  must  of  necessity  make  me  a  gown 
to  wear  every  day  and  would  have  one  bought 
me  of  good  strong  black  stuff,  and  Mr  Smith 
to  make  it  of  the  civilest  fashion  now  in  use. 
If  my  sister  Downing  would  please  to  give 
him  some  directions  about  it  he  would  make 
it  the  better."  He  also  made  gowns  for  Mary 
Winthrop,  and  even  in  1642  we  fmd  Margaret 
writing  from  Boston  to  London  about  a  "  box 
of  aparel  "  sent  her,  and  of  Mr.  Smith's  bill 
therefor. 

His  full  name  was  John  Smith,  and  he  was 
doubtless  a  good  Puritan,  for  a  letter  written 
by  him  in  1636  to  John  Winthrop  in  New 
England  abounds  in  religious  expression.     He 

93 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

must  have  been  upon  somewhat  intimate  terms 
with  the  Winthrop  family,  for  he  thus  begins 
his  letter :  "  To  my  verie  much  respected  good 
friend  Mr  Winthrope  the  elder  in  New  Ingland 
these  deliver. "     lie  said,  — 

"Good  Mr  Winthrope,  — I  have  by  Mr  Down- 
iiigs  direction  seut  yo\x  a  coate,  a  sad  foulding  coler 
without  lace.  For  the  fittness  I  am  a  little  vncer- 
tyne,  but  if  it  be  two  big  or  two  little  it  is  esie  to 
amend,  vnder  the  arme  to  take  in  or  let  out  lyning; 
the  outside  may  be  let  out  in  the  gathering,  or 
taken  in  also  without  any  prejudice.  I  have  also 
sent  to  Mrs  Elizabeth  Foanes,  for  I  know  not  her 
name  now,  a  ])r  of  sizers  and  half  a  hundred 
nedles  for  a  small  token,  and  also  the  like  to  Mrs 
Elizabeth  "Winthrope  and  to  Mrs  Marie  Downing 
and  her  sister.  I  intreat  you  to  let  them  be 
delivered." 

These  tokens  were  really  not  a  mean  gift, 
for  needles  and  pins  were  at  that  day  much 
prized.  Though  we  have  thus  no  evidence 
from  the  Winthrop  correspondence  of  the  gar- 
ments worn  by  the  Governor's  wife,  we  have 
other  means  of  knowing  the  modes  of  the  day ; 
and  we  know  she  wished  "the  ci vilest  fashion 
then  in  use,"  albeit  of  sober  color  and  cut. 
The  inventories  of  the  garments  of  her  con- 
temporaries still  exist  to  show  what  her  neigh- 
bors wore.     Her  own  could  not  much  differ. 

94 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

I  think  I  may,  with  propriety  and  perti- 
nency, insert  here  a  letter  written  in  1C22  by 
Winthrop's  fellow-barrister  in  Lincoln's  Inn 
to  his  wife  in  the  country.  It  shows  that  all 
husbands  at  that  day  did  not  regard  their 
wives'  attire  as  did  John  Winthrop.  1  give 
Serjeant  Earle's  letter  to  Mrs.  Earle,  as  it 
throws  a  clear  light  upon  the  dress  of  English 
women  in  that  station  of  life  in  that  day. 

''  M}'  most  deere  and  my  most  loveing  Wife, 

"I  have  according  to  thy  desire  sent  the  stuffe 
to  make  thee  a  dublett  of.  It  is  the  fittest  to  suite 
with  thy  gowne  that  I  could  finde.  It  is  of  two 
pieces  but  yor  taylor  tould  me  it  was  not  anything 
the  worse,  for  otherwise  I  might  have  hadd  it  all 
one  peece  and  that  as  cheepe  as  this  coost  me. 
But  yor  taylor  said  this  was  so  fitt  for  your  use  as 
if  it  had  been  all  one  peece.  I  have  likewise  sent 
you  silver  and  silver  lace  to  lace  it  with;  my 
brotlier  Elwyn  cann  tell  j'ou  howe  it  must  be  layde 
on.  I  thinke  if  you  cann  gett  yor  dublett  to  be  well 
mayd  and  yor  gowne  well  mended  that  then  it  will 
be  a  very  good  suite.  Lett  yor  taylor  see  yor  red 
bayes  gowne  and  dublett  and  make  yor  blue  bayes 
gowne  and  dublett  by  them.  I  think  it  beste  you 
have  this  gowne  plaited  on  the  backe  like  to  you 
redd  gowne.  I  thinke  there  is  too  much  stuffe  for 
yor  dublett  for  the  shortest  peece  is  long  enough 
for  a  sleeve.  You  may  therefure  see  it  cutt  out 
yor  selfe.  I  thinke  likewise  tliere  is  too  much 
lace  for  yor  dublett  if  you  make  it  without  skyrtes. 
95 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

I  have  likewise  sent  you  two  yardes  of  Cambrick 
to  make  me  a  ruff  of.  And  as  for  yor  lace  for  a 
dressinge  I  prytbee  send  me  worde  wbetber  tbou 
wilt  have  of  the  same  that  my  brother  Elwyn  hath 
bought  for  his  wife  and  bowe  muche  thereof  will 
serve  thee.  I  thinke  be  bath  bought  too  little  yett 
he  sayth  bis  wife  willed  him  to  buye  no  more.  .  .  . 
I  have  written  unto  my  father  to  deliver  unto  thee 
forti  and  five  shillings  w'^''  is  due  unto  me  from 
him  for  this  laste  halfe  yeares  rent  ended  at 
Micbelmas  now  past.  If  tbou  bast  any  use  of  it 
thou  mayest  imploye  it  as  thou  tbinkest  fittest, 
otherwise  thou  maj'st  send  it  upp  to  London  unto 
mee  with  money  w'''  my  brother  Elwyn  is  to  send 
me.  Thus  my  dearest  wife  I  have  troubled  thee 
with  a  longe  and  tedious  letter,  and  I  desire  that 
thou  shouldst  furnish  me  in  the  like  manner." 

It  is  scarcely  the  place,  in  a  life  of  Margaret 
Winthrop,  to  express  any  sympathy  for 
Frances  Earle,  but  I  am  sure  that  no  nine- 
teenth-century wife  would  care  to  have  a 
husband  of  pi-ecisely  Serjeant  Earle's  ilk;  and 
if  he  thus  frequently  "  intermeddled  "  in  his 
wife's  bravery,  his  absence  through  his  resi- 
dence in  chambers  in  London  can  scarce  have 
proved  an  unmitigated  trial.  All  will,  I 
think,  acknowledge  that  John  Winthrop's 
marital  character  shines  in  contrast. 

The  exact  fashion  of  Margaret  Winthrop's 
dress  can  be  determined  through  comparisons 

96 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

of  representations  from  various  sources.  The 
one  which  has  been  to  me  extremely  valuable 
is  the  one  in  perhaps  the  coarsest  form,  the 
prints  from  old  ballads  and  tracts  of  the  time 
of  James  I.,  especially  those  in  the  Roxburghe 
Society. 

The  ladies  of  the  court  in  the  time  of  James  I. 
wore  rich  lace  caps,  somewhat  of  the  shape 
commonly  seen  in  the  portraits  of  Mary  Queen 
of  Scots  ;  broad  necklaces  with  pendants ;  flar- 
ing ruffs,  which  were  not  so  extended  as  those 
of  Elizabeth's  reign;  wheel  farthingales ;  and 
a  gown  with  low-necked,  tightly  laced  body, 
with  skirts  richly  trimmed  down  the  front 
and  round  the  bottom.  The  portrait  of  the 
infamous  Countess  of  Essex  gives  a  good 
example  of  this  costume.  By  the  reign  of 
Charles  I.  was  seen  on  all  the  court  ladies 
an  elegant  and  becoming  costume,  which  has 
been  immortalized  by  the  genius  of  Vandyck, 
and  is  thus  too  well  known  to  need  description 
here.  Among  Puritan  women  simpler  fashions 
])revailed.  The  body  was  tightly  encased  in  a 
stiff,  long-waisted  bodice  or  waistcoat ;  for  the 
short-waisted  gown,  seen  in  some  of  our 
modern  popular  representations  of  the  Puritans 
and  Pilgrims,  Avas  wholly  unknown  at  that 
time,  and  the  presentments  of  both  men  and 
women   of   any  social  standing  display  well- 

7  97 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

tightened  waists  (that  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
might  be  the  envy  of  a  modern  belle). 

The  skirt  of  the  gown  was  plain  and  not 
very  full.  The  ruff  was  disi)laced  by  a  plain 
collar  or  deep  band,  or  a  crossed  kerchief  often 
trimmed  with  lace.  The  Lileeves  of  the  gown  are 
usually  a  little  fulled,  but  tight  at  the  wrist, 
and  sometimes  drawn  in  around  the  elbow 
with  knots  of  ribbon.  Occasionally  a  long 
hanging-sleeve  is  seen  in  addition.  The  head 
was  covered  with  a  large  coif  or  the  silk  hood 
with  loose  front,  which  was  worn  for  so  many 
years.  Over  it  was  sometimes  worn  a  straight- 
brimmed  hat  similar  to  the  head-covering  of 
the  Puritan  husband.  Often  an  apron  com- 
pleted the  dress.  A  fine  example  of  this 
attire  may  be  seen  in  Little  Warley  Church 
in  Essex  County,  England,  on  the  recumbent 
effigy  of  Dorothy  Strutt,  who  died  in  1641. 
The  monumental  effigy  of  Elizabeth  Sache- 
verel  shows  a  similar  and  still  plainer  dress. 
Hollar,  in  his  Ornatus  Muliebris  Anglicanus, 
bearing  date  1645,  gives  with  fidelity  and 
care  the  costume  of  the  woman  Puritan,  which 
was  always  simple  and  dignified,  though  not 
graceful  or  very  becoming.  It  was  often  of 
rich  material,  but  was  usually  sad-colored, 
and  never  so  ornate  as  the  court  dress,  though 
it  varied  as  did  the  dress  of  the  men.     For  in- 

98 


THE  PURITAN  HOUSEWIFE 

stance,  it  scarcely  seems  possible  to  term  John 
Winthrop  and  Cromwell  " Round-heads,"  when 
we  see  their  flowing  locks,  or  Mr.  Hampden 
with  his  beautiful  curls.  There  is  no  doubt, 
as  the  times  grew  more  distracted,  and  men's 
minds  were  deep-bent  on  statecraft  and  war 
rather  than  on  the  forms  of  religion,  that  the 
exact  fashion  and  formal  cut  of  dress  became 
of  less  importance,  though,  with  the  Puritan, 
plainness  was  ever  paramount. 


99 


IV 

CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

During  the  year  1629  there  were  passing 
from  hand  to  hand  among  English  Puritans 
copies  of  a  little  tract,  the  authorship  of  which 
has  been  variously  attributed.  No  one  can 
read  it  without  feeling,  to  use  Taine's  words, 
that  "behind  the  document  there  was  a  man," 
and  that  that  man  was  John  Winthrop.  I  do 
not  doubt  that  the  composition  of  the  tract 
was  Winthrop's,  for  an  original  draft  of  it 
has  been  found  among  his  papers  in  his  own 
handwriting.  This  tract  had  been  read  by 
Sir  John  Eliot  in  the  Tower,  for  a  copy  of  it 
has  recently  been  found  among  his  books,  and 
he  had  corresponded  with  John  Hampden 
about  it,  as  shown  in  Nugent's  Memorials  of 
Hampden.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  Winthrop  was  the  friend  of  both  these 
noble  men.  The  wealthiest  adventurer  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  the  Earl  of 
Lincoln's  son-in-law,  Isaac   Johnson,   named 

100 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

John  Winthrop  and  John  Hampden  joint  ex- 
ecutors of  his  estate,  in  a  will  which  he  made 
at  this  time. 

This  pamphlet  contained  the  reasons  for 
the  planting  in  New  England,  the  objections 
to  the  venture,  and  answers  to  the  objections. 
It  is  usually  called  the  Conclusions  for  Xew 
England.     The  reasons  read  thus :  — 

Reasons  to  be  considered  for  iustifieinge  the 
undertakers  of  the  intended  Plantation  in  Xew 
England,  &  for  incouraginge  such  whose  hartes 
God  shall  move  to  ioyne  w'*^  them  in  it. 

1.  It  will  be  a  service  to  the  Church  of  great 
consequence  to  carry  the  Gospell  into  those  parts 
of  the  world,  to  helpe  on  the  comminge  of  the 
fullnesse  of  the  Gentiles,  &  to  raise  a  Bulworke 
against  the  kingdome  of  Ante-Christ  w'**  the  Jesuits 
labour  to  reare  up  in  those  parts. 

2.  All  other  churches  of  Europe  are  brought  to 
desolation,  &  o""  sinnes,  for  w"=''  the  Lord  beginues 
allreaddy  to  frowne  upon  us  &  to  cutte  us  short, 
doe  threatne  evill  times  to  be  comminge  upon  us. 
&  whoe  knowes,  but  that  God  hath  provided  this 
place  to  be  a  refuge  for  many  whome  he  meanes  to 
save  out  of  the  generall  callamity,  &  seeinge  the 
Church  hath  noe  place  lefts  to  flie  into  but  the 
wildernesse,  what  better  worke  can  there  be,  then 
to  gue  &  provide  tabernacles  &  foode  fur  her  against 
she  comes  thether; 

3.  This  Land  growes  weary  of  her  Inhabitants, 

101 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

soe  as  man,  whoe  is  the  most  pretious  of  all  crea- 
tures, is  here  more  vile  &  base  then  the  earth  we 
treade  upon,  &  of  lesse  prise  among  us  then  an 
horse  or  a  sheepe ;  masters  are  forced  by  authority 
to  entertaine  servants,  parents  to  mainetaine  their 
owne  children,  all  townes  complaine  of  the  burthen 
of  their  poore,  though  we  have  taken  up  many  un- 
nessisarie  yea  unlawfull  trades  to  maintaine  them, 
&  we  use  the  authoritie  of  the  Law  to  hinder  the 
increase  of  o''  people,  as  by  iirginge  the  Statute 
against  Cottages,  &  inmates,  &  thus  it  is  come  to 
passe,  that  children,  servants  &  neighboures,  es- 
pecially if  they  be  poore,  are  compted  the  greatest 
burthens,  w'^'^  if  thinges  weare  right  would  be  the 
chiefest  earthly  blessinges. 

4.  The  whole  earth  is  the  Lords  garden,  &  he  hath 
given  it  to  the  Sonnes  of  men  w"*  a  gen'  Commis- 
sion; Gen:  1:  28:  increace  &  multiplie,  &  replen- 
ish the  earth  &  subdue  it,  w"^  was  againe  renewed 
to  Noah :  the  end  is  double  &  naturall,  that  man 
might  enjoy  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  &  God  might 
have  his  due  glory  from  the  creature :  why  then 
should  we  stand  striving  here  for  places  of  habita- 
tion, etc.  (many  men  spending  as  much  labour  & 
coste  to  recouer  or  keepe  sometimes  an  acre  or  twoe 
of  Land,  as  would  procure  them  many  &  as  good  or 
better  in  another  Countrie)  &  in  the  meane  time 
suffer  a  whole  Continent  as  fruitfull  &  con- 
venient for  the  use  of  man  to  lie  waste  w"*out 
any  improvement. 

5.  We  are  growne  to  that  height  of  Intemperance 
in  all  escesse  of   Riott,   as  noe  mans   estate  all- 

102 


COyCLUSIOXS  FOR   NEW  ENGLAND 

most  will  suffice  to  keepe  saile  w*''  liis  scqualls;  &  he 
who  failes  herein,  must  Hue  in  scorne  &  contempt. 
Hence  it  comes  that  all  artes  &  Trades  are  carried 
in  that  deceiptfull  &  unrighteous  course,  as  it  is  al- 
most impossible  for  a  good  &  upright  man  to  maine- 
tayne  his  charge  &  line  comfortablie  in  any  of  them. 

6.  The  ffountaines  of  Learning  &  Religion  are 
soe  corrupted  as  (besides  the  unsupportable  charge 
of  there  education)  most  children  (euen  the  best 
witts  &  of  fairest  hopes)  are  perverted,  corrupted, 
&  utterlie  overthrowne  by  the  multitude  of  evill 
examples  &  the  licentious  gouernm'  of  those  semi- 
naries, where  men  straine  at  knatts  &  swallowe 
camells,  use  all  seuerity  for  maiuetaynance  of 
cappes  &  other  accomplyments,  but  suffer  all 
rulHanlike  fashions  &  disorder  in  manners  to 
passe  uncontrolled. 

7.  What  can  be  a  better  worke  &  more  honorable 
&  worth}'  a  Christian  then  to  helpe  raise  &  supporte 
a  })articular  Church  while  it  is  in  the  Infancy,  &  to 
ioyne  his  forces  w"*  such  a  company  of  faithfull 
people,  as  by  a  timely  assistance  may  growe  stronge 
&  prosper,  &  for  want  of  it  maj'  be  put  to  great 
hazard,  if  not  wholly  ruined. 

8.  If  any  such  as  are  knowne  to  be  Godly.  &  Hue 
in  wealth  and  prosperity  here,  shall  forsake  all  this, 
to  ioyne  themselues  w'**  this  Church  &  to  runne  an 
hazard  w"*  them  of  an  hard  &  meane  condition,  it 
will  be  an  example  of  great  use  both  for  removinge 
the  scandall  of  worldly  &  sinister  respects  w**"  is 
cast  upon  the  Adventurers;  to  give  more  life  to  the 
faith  of  God's  people,  in  their  praiers  for  the  Plau- 

103 


MAR  GA  RE  T    WINTER  OP 

tation;    &  to  incorrage  others   to  ioyue  the  more 
willingly  in  it. 

9.  It  appears  to  he  a  worke  of  God  for  the  good 
of  his  Church,  in  that  he  hath  disposed  the  hartes 
of  soe  many  of  his  wise  &  faithfull  servants,  both 
ministers  &  others,  not  onely  to  approve  of  the 
enterprise  but  to  interest  themselves  in  it,  some  in 
their  persons  &  estates,  «&  all  hy  their  praiers  for 
the  welfare  of  it.  Amos  3 :  the  Lord  revealeth  his 
secret  to  his  servants  the  prophetts,  it  is  likely  he 
hath  some  greate  worke  in  hand  w"**  he  hath  revealed 
to  his  prophetts  among  us,  whom  he  hath  stirred  up 
to  encourage  his  servants  to  this  Plantation,  for  he 
doth  not  use  to  seduce  his  people  by  his  owne  pro- 
phetts, but  comitte  that  office  to  the  ministrie  of 
false  prophetts  &  lieing  spiritts. 

The  heads  only  of  the  objections  may  be 
given :  — 

2.  It  will  be  a  great  wrong  to  o""  Churche  &  Coun- 
trie  to  take  awaye  the  good  j^eople.  &"  we  shall  lay 
it  the  more  open  to  the  Judgm'  feared. 

3.  We  have  feared  a  Judgment  a  great  while, 
but  yet  we  are  safe,  it  weare  better  therefore  to 
stay  till  it  come  &  either  we  may  flie  then,  or  if 
we  be  overtaken  in  it  we  may  well  content  ©""selves 
to  suffer  w'**  such  a  Church  as  ours  is. 

4.  The  ill  successe  of  other  Plantations  may  tell 
us  what  will  become  of  this. 

5.  It  is  attended  w"'  many  &  great  diffi- 
culties. 

104 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR   NEW  ENGLAND 

6.  It  is  a  worke  above  the  power  of  tlic 
undertakers. 

7.  The  Countrie  affordes  not  natiirall  fortifica- 
tions. 

8.  The  place  affordeth  not  comfortable  meanes 
to  the  first  planters,  &  o"  breedinge  here  at  home 
hath  made  us  uiifitte  for  the  hardshippe  we  are  like 
to  endure  there. 

9.  We  must  looke  to  be  praeserved  by  miracle  if 
we  subsiste,  &  soe  we  shall  tempt  God. 

10.  If  it  succeed  ill,  it  will  raise  a  scandall  upon 
o''  profession. 

The  answers  to  these  objections  arc  clear  and 
logical,  but  need  not  be  given  here,  for  over 
two  centuries  of  years  of  success  have  given  a 
far  clearer  and  more  authoritative  answer. 

It  is  impossible  to  tell  when  the  thought  of 
emigration  first  took  root  in  John  Winthrop's 
mind.  As  early  as  1G23  he  wrote  to  his  son 
in  college  at  Dublin,  "I  wish  oft  that  God 
would  open  a  way  to  settle  in  Ireland. "  This 
was  but  a  passing  thought,  for  wo,  know  that 
afterwards,  in  1627,  he  seriously  planned  a 
residence  in  London  or  vicinity;  and  when  in 
1628  his  son  contemplated  a  voyage  with  a 
view  of  settling  in  a  new  plantation,  the  father 
Avrote,  "  I  am  loath  you  should  think  of  set- 
tling there  as  yet,  but  to  be  going  and  coming 
awhile,  and  afterward  to  do  as  God  shall 
105 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

offer  occasion."  This  "religious  company" 
of  colonists  was  undoubtedly  the  company 
which  sailed  with  Endicott  on  June  20,  1628, 
and  settled  in  Salem.  The  son  abandoned 
this  project,  and  set  out  upon  a  long  voyage  in 
Oriental  lands.  On  his  return  in  fourteen 
months  he  found  (and  it  must  have  been  to 
his  vast  surprise)  his  father  embarked  with 
earnestness  and  zeal  in  preparations  for  emi- 
gration to  New  England. 

This  prompt  decision  of  John  Winthrop's 
was  characteristic  of  the  man.  Years  before 
he  had  known  clearly  his  own  traits  of  char- 
acter, and  wrote,  "  My  disposition  is  ever 
fittest  upon  the  first  apprehension  of  any 
thinge ;  if  it  hange  of  hande  and  I  beginne 
once  to  beat  my  heade  about  it  and  meet  with 
any  rubbe  and  discouragement,  I  cannot  for 
my  life  proceed  to  make  any  despatch." 

On  June  5,  1629,  Winthrop  wrote  to  his 
wife,  "  I  tliinke  my  Office  is  gone,  so  I  shall 
not  wrong  thee  so  much  with  my  absence  as  I 
have  done ; "  and  in  the  next  letter,  "  My  office 
is  gone,  and  my  chamber  and  I  shall  be  a 
saver  in  them  both."  Possibly  his  opposition 
to  the  course  of  government  at  this  period,  or 
his  well-known  sympathy  with  those  who  were 
suffering  unjust  exactions,  may  have  cost  him 
his  place.  Or  he  may  have  been  clear-sighted, 
106 


COXCLUSIOXS  FOR  .V£n"  EXCI.AXD 

and  therefore  did  not  wish  to  wait,  as  did  Sir 
John  Bramston  of  Roxwell,  Essex,  "till  the 
drums  and  trumpets  blew  my  gowne  over  my 
ears,  and  the  Judges  made  a  nose  of  wax  of 
the  law,  wresting  it  to  serve  turns;"  but  he 
retired  to  private  life  ere  war  burst  on  the 
land. 

In  July,  Winthrop  and  his  brother-in-law, 
Emanuel  Downing,  rode  into  Lincolnshire, 
and  fell  into  a  great  bog  on  the  way,  but  were 
rescued.  This  Lincolnshire  visit  was  doubt- 
less to  the  Earl  of  Lincoln's  son-in-law,  Isaac 
Johnson,  and  the  errand  was  to  consult  about 
the  Massachusetts  enterprise.  On  August  26, 
1629,  he  signed  the  Cambridge  Agreement 
under  the  shadow  of  the  University,  with 
Richard  Saltonstall,  Thomas  Dudley,  William 
Vassall,  Isaac  Johnson,  William  Pyncheon; 
and  by  October  he  was  already  appointed 
governor. 

This  certainly  was  good  speed ;  in  this 
case  he  did  not  dally  to  "•l)eat  his  head  about 
it,  and  meet  with  rub  and  discouragement." 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  iirst  advances  were 
made  to  him,  not  by  him;  that  he  was  sought 
out  by  the  directors  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
Company  on  account  of  his  fitness  and  true 
worth.  Years  later  he  wrote,  "I  was  first 
chosen  to  be  Governour  without  my  seeking  or 

107 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

expectation  —  there  being  divers  other  gentle- 
men who  for  their  abilities  every  way  were 
far  more  fit."  It  was  evident  that  these 
divers  gentlemen  were  of  very  different 
opinion. 

The  Cambridge  Agreement,  signed  in 
August,  must  be  given  some  slight  descrip- 
tion. It  was  a  solemn  compact,  not  only  to 
emigrate  at  a  certain  time,  but  to  "  inhabit  and 
continue  in  New  England,"  with  a  most  sig- 
nificant proviso,  that  the  whole  government 
and  patent  for  the  Plantation  should  be  given 
and  established  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Plan- 
tation. The  privilege  of  disposing  of  rights 
in  New  England  was  one  of  James's  monopo- 
lies, and  had  been  vested  in  a  corporation 
called  The  Council  for  New  England,  of  which 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  was  president.  On 
the  4th  of  March,  1629,  a  royal  patent  was 
granted  to  a  body  politic  called  The  Governor 
and  Company  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England,  and  a  liberal  charter  was  conceded, 
and  this  only  six  days  before  Charles  in  hot 
anger  dissolved  his  third  Parliament  pre- 
liminary to  his  eleven  years  of  rule  "without  a 
Parliament.  Winthrop  was  not  then  of  this 
company.  Matthew  Cradock  was  appointed 
governor,  and  by  June  four  hundred  "godly 
Christians  "  were  despatched  to  Salem.     At 

108 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR   NEW  ENGLAND 

that  time  such  charters  were  kept  in  England, 
where  the  governing  board  resided ;  but  Gov- 
ernor Cradock  conceived  the  design  that  the 
government  had  best  be  in  the  hands  of  those 
who  inhabited  the  Plantation,  who  were  on 
the  spot.  The  Cambridge  Agreement  was 
signed  on  August  26th,  and  (Cradock  having 
resigned)  John  Winthrop  was  chosen  governor 
on  the  20th  of  October ;  and  when  he  sailed  for 
New  England,  he  carried  with  him  the  charter. 
It  is  plain  to  see  from  these  Conclusions 
and  from  his  letters,  that  the  considerations 
which  induced  Winthrop  to  come  to  New  Eng- 
land were  no  private  or  personal  matter.  The 
moral,  religious,  and  social  condition  of  Eng- 
land at  that  time  w'as  certainly  deplorable. 
The  storm  of  disaster  had  not  yet  burst  in  all 
its  force,  but  the  mutterings  of  thunder  could 
be  heard,  and  the  rising  wind  had  already 
brought  devastation  on  the  land.  Charles  I. 
was  just  entering  on  that  course  which  event- 
ually brought  him  to  the  block.  Parliament 
was  dissolved,  and  the  king's  intention  made 
jmblic  of  ruling  without  one.  "The  treasure 
of  the  kingdom  was  being  devoured  and  wasted 
by  court-caterpillars."  The  land  groaned 
under  unjust  taxation,  of  which  ship-money 
w^as  the  most  original  and  ingenious  scheme, 
and  monopolies  the  most  universal. 
109 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

A  cramping  and  hampering  royal  act  was 
that  of  granting  trade-monopolies  to  private 
persons.  On  these  grants  over  a  million 
pounds  a  year  was  paid  in  taxes.  The  mi- 
nuteness of  these  monopolies,  and  the  vexa- 
tious length  to  which  they  extended,  may  be 
judged  from  the  purport  of  some  of  the  grants 
which  were  quashed  by  a  proclamation  of  the 
king  in  1639,  —  an  action  through  which  he 
hoped  to  regain  his  lost  popularity.  One  of 
these  grants  was  for  sealing  bone-lace,  another 
for  sealing  linen  cloth,  one  for  gauging  red 
herring,  for  gathering  rags,  for  sealing  buttons, 
for  marking  butter-casks.  "Well  might  Sir 
John  Culpepper  compare  them  to  the  frogs  of 
Egypt.     He  says,  — 

**They  have  gotten  possession  of  our  dwellings, 
and  we  have  scarce  a  room  free  from  them.  They 
sup  in  our  cup.  They  dip  in  our  dish.  They  sit 
by  our  fire.  "VVe  find  them  in  the  dye-vat,  wash- 
bowl, and  powdering-tub.  They  share  with  the 
cutler  in  his  box.  They  have  marked  us  and 
scaled  us  from  head  to  foot.  They  will  not  bate  us 
a  pin.  AYe  maj^  not  buy  our  own  clothes  without 
brokerage." 

Ship-money  was  raised  by  levy  on  all  the 
towns  throughout  the  kingdom  by  ship-writs, 
to  support  the  navy,  to  build  ships,  and, 
under  the  name  of   coat  and  conduct  money, 

110 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

to  provide  for  the  army;  and  the  soldiers 
were  billeted  on  private  citizens.  Large  sums 
were  raised  by  commissions.  Loans,  benevo- 
lences, and  free  gifts  were  demanded  until  no 
man  could  call  anything  his  own.  Nor  did  he 
dare  protest,  lest  he  lose  his  liberty  as  well  as 
his  estate.  The  Marshalsea  and  Gate-House 
were  soon  crowded  with  English  gentlemen  who 
had  refused  to  yield  to  arbitrary  exactions. 
"The  land  grew  weary  of  her  inhabitants." 
Fuel  was  scarce,  the  wood  supply  exhausted, 
and  coal  was  irregularly  furnished.  Hence 
the  court  records  and  justices'  diaries  of  the 
times  contain  innumerable  entries  of  the 
arrests  and  trials  of  wood-stealers,  hedge- 
tearers,  and  tree-pollers.  These  devastators 
were  severely  punished  by  imprisonment  in 
the  "  dark -house, "  by  being  set  in  the  stocks  or 
whipped  through  the  town.  But  the  starving, 
freezing  poor  were  desperate,  and  the  despolia- 
tion went  on  in  spite  of  fine  and  imprison- 
ment. Many  a  beautiful  tree  was  polled  at 
night,  when  out  of  sight  and  sound  of  the 
lord's  manor-house. 

Another  of  Winthrop's  reasons  for  leaving 
England  was  because  "the  Ifountains  of  Learn- 
ing and  Religion  are  soe  corrupted."  The  schol- 
arships and  livings  were  "jobbed  out,"  sold  to 
rich  men's  sons,  not  given  to  worthy  scholars, 
111 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

as  was  the  intent  of  the  donors.  "  Except  one 
be  able  to  give  the  Regent  or  Provost  of  the 
house  a  piece  of  money,  twentie,  fortie,  yea  a 
hundred  pound,  a  yoke  of  fatte  oxen  or  the 
like,  though  he  be  never  so  toward  a  youth, 
he  comes  not  there,  I  warrant  him."  The 
schoolmasters  were  so  badly  paid  that  they 
could  not  buy  books,  nor  maintain  themselves, 
and  were  obliged  to  pay  for  a  license  in  every 
diocese  in  which  they  taught.  This  corruption 
in  England  helped  to  nourish  good  seed  in 
New  England,  where  the  cause  of  education 
ever  was  cherished  and  aided. 

There  are  many  expressions  in  the  letters 
of  Lucy  Downing,  John  Winthrop's  sister, 
that  show  the  restraint  of  the  times,  the 
religious  and  political  distresses.  Indeed, 
they  paint  to  me,  in  a  few  clear  and  striking 
touches,  the  condition  of  the  Puritan  in  Eng- 
land at  that  period.     She  writes  in  1627,  — 

"Here  is  no  iiewes  but  very  tart,  and  liarde 
standinge  to  knowe  the  Liberties  of  our  persons 
and  goods,  yet  we  are  verie  wise  an  curragious; 
but  wee  had  have  senne  you  ere  this." 

After  Winthrop  had  gone  to  New  England 
she  wrote  to  him,  — 

"1636.    The  Bishope  of  Norwige,  whose  name  is 
Wren,  doth  impose  a  hundred  and  32  articles  to  the 
112 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

clergy  iu  his  diocess,  some  whereof  they  fear  will 
put  by  both  Msr  Lea,  and  divers  others  wich 
thought  themselves  verj^  conformable  men.  Msr 
Gourden  is  questioned  for  not  bowiuge  and  knel- 
linge  att  buriall  prayers." 

Mr.  Lea  was  evidently  the  curate  at  Groton 
Church  (which  was  a  living  in  the  gift  of  the 
Winthrops),  whom  Winthrop  described  in  one 
of  his  letters  as  "  a  godly  man,  a  man  of  very 
good  parts,  but  of  a  melancholic  constitution 
yet  as  sociable  and  full  of  good  discourse  as  I 
have  known."  It  is  very  evident  that  he  was 
"  put  by  "  from  his  parish ;  for  a  little  later 
Mrs.  Downing  writes,  — 

"Indeed  they  are  very  sensible  of  Mr  Lea's  re- 
straint, as  well  they  may,  for  he  was  an  vpright 
and  paynfull  pasture  of  theers,  truly  careinge  for 
theer  soulles;  however  somebody  either  weakly  or 
wors  did  abuse  both  my  brother  "VVinthrop  and 
him,  in  relations  of  Mr  Lea,  which  did  a  littell 
touch  him;  yet  I  confess  he  bare  it  with  as  much 
Christian  patience,  and  made  as  good  vse  of  it  to 
himself,  I  thinks  as  might  be;  and  I  cannot  tell 
but  there  might  be  a  providence  in  it  for  his  good; 
for  it  came  stranglie  to  his  vewe.  I  sendinge  the 
letter  to  my  sister  from  Cowne;  he  beinge  by  and 
she  beinge  a  very  poor  dark,  desired  him  to  read 
it  to  her;  and  poor  soulle,  she  was  so  perplext 
when  she  hoard  the  passages  in  it;  but  Mr  Lea 
hath  well  quit  himself e  of  those  aspersions;  for  he 
8  113 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

hath  left  but  all  for  the  cause,  and  I  have  littell 
hope  either  of  him  or  any  in  the  like  condition  to 
be  restored." 

She  then  tells  of  being  banished  the  city, 
and  that  "  the  word  and  Saboth  are  clipt ;  " 
that  similar  restraints  were  placed  on  the 
preachers  in  Essex,  and  says  sadly  and  truly, 
"these  are  days  of  tryall." 

In  1629  Laud  was  Bishop  of  London,  and 
had  begun  the  crowding-out  policy,  which,  at 
the  time  of  his  elevation  to  the  See  of  Canter- 
bury, he  steadily  increased.  He  enforced  the 
use  of  the  surplice,  and  of  many  Episcopal 
ceremonies  offensive  to  the  Puritans,  because 
to  them  savoring  of  Rome.  He  suppressed 
the  lectures  in  towns,  which  were  the  favorite 
posts  of  the  Puritan  preachers  and  of  the 
gatherings  of  Puritans.  The  silenced  preachers 
then  went  to  the  country ;  so  Laud  withdrew 
from  the  country  gentlemen  the  privilege  of 
keeping  chaplains.  Even  rectors  of  the 
Established  Church  Avere  suspended  who  dared 
to  give  what  was  termed  ''  Gospel  preaching. " 
The  chief  rejoicing  of  the  Puritans  in  James's 
reign  had  been  the  publication  of  what  is 
called  King  James's  version  of  the  Bible ;  but 
finally  the  importation  of  Genevan  Bibles  was 
prohibited  by  Laud.  This  hurt  the  heart  of 
the  Puritans  full  sorely.  In  the  diocese  of 
114 


CONCLUSfOXS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

Norwich,  under  Bishop  Wren,  of  whom  Mis. 
Downing  writes,  thirty  parochial  ministers 
were  expelled  from  thoir  cures.  Before 
Winthrop  left  England  he  saw  three  hundred 
godly  ministers  silenced,  deprived  of  their 
power  of  preaching. 

Among  many  sore  evils  that  John  Winthrop 
witnessed  in  England,  perhaps  the  most 
actively  offensive  to  him  were  the  abuses  of 
the  Sabbath.  I  cannot  imagine  anything 
inore  shocking  to  a  man  of  his  nature  than 
the  reading  of  King  James's  Book  of  Sports 
ill  the  churches,  and  the  way  in  which  the  Eng- 
lish Sabbath  could  lawfully  be  spent, — that 
is,  according  to  the  law  of  man,  not  of  God. 
He  must  have  felt  as  Babington  said,  "Let 
them  wey  whether  carding,  dising,  tabling, 
bowling,  cocking,  stage-plaies,  and  summer 
games,  whether  gadding  to  this  ale  or  that 
ale,  this  beare  baiting  or  that  bullbaiting, 
with  a  number  such  be  exercises  commanded 
of  God  for  the  Sabath  day  or  not. "  A  tract 
of  the  time  of  James,  in  the  British  Museum, 
speaks  of  the  "sweete  pastyme  of  bearebayt- 
ing. "  I  have  never  read  anything  more  revolt- 
ing than  an  account  of  this  sweet  pastime,  as 
it  was  witnessed  by  a  large  assemblage  — 
the  king,  queen,  Duke  of  York,  Princess 
Elizabeth  among  them  —  in  the  year  1609  in 

115 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

London.  Lion  and  horse  baiting  also  -vrere 
common.  In  1625  an  act  was  passed, prohibit- 
ing these  baitings.  The  account  of  the  per- 
formance of  masks  in  the  Inner  Temple  and 
Gray's  Inn  at  the  time  of  the  marriage  cele- 
bration of  the  Princess  Elizabeth  to  the  Pals- 
grave in  1612  is  most  curious  and  interesting, 
but  must  have  jarred  somewhat  on  Winthrop 
if  he  chanced  to  be  present.  Fairs  and 
markets  were  held  on  Sunday.  Church  ales  — 
that  is,  the  brewing  and  selling  of  ales  in 
churches,  often  on  Sunday  —  had  been  declared 
unlawful  in  1595  and  in  1607 ;  but  in  1622  the 
war  against  it  was  still  being  carried  on,  and 
the  abuse  still  existed. 

Not  to  dwell  further  on  historical  events, 
we  may  say  in  brief  enumeration  that  the 
quarter  of  a  century  of  John  Winthrop's  life 
previous  to  his  departure  to  Xcw  England, 
had  seen  enacted  a  significant  and  stirring 
chapter  of  English  historv,  one  to  distress  him 
and  to  put  him  to  deep  thought.  It  had  wit- 
nessed the  Gunpowder  Plot ;  the  breach  of  two 
kings  with  the  Commons ;  the  hated  agitation 
of  the  Spanish  royal  marriage,  and  the  success- 
ful arrangement  of  the  French  royal  marriage ; 
the  imprisonment  and  death  of  Raleigh;  the 
impeachment  of  Francis  Bacon,  Lord  Chan- 
cellor; the  assassination  of  the  hated  Duke  of 

116 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

Euckingham  by  a  Suffolk  man,  one  Felton,  a 
fellow-lieutenant  in  the  expedition  with  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.  The  imprisonment  of  fearless 
Sir  John  Eliot  in  the  Gate  House  distressfully- 
ended  this  term  of  years.  Abroad,  the  Bohe- 
mian war,  the  war  with  France,  the  assassi- 
nation of  great  Henry  in  the  streets  of  Paris, 
the  loss  of  the  Palatinate,  the  racking  of 
Germany,  the  failure  of  the  Huguenot  cause 
at  Rochelle,  marked  this  period,  and  made 
the  cause  of  Protestantism  outside  of  England 
look  truly  desperate.  To  John  "Winthrop  and 
men  of  his  mind,  the  conditions  of  religion 
in  England  seemed  also  in  sadly  deplorable 
and  dangerous  plight. 

John  Winthrop  had  known  of  those  thrilling, 
those  almost  terrible  scenes  in  Parliament, 
and  had  doubtless  shared  in  the  agony  of  dis- 
tress ;  as  when  Sir  Robert  Phillips  spoke  and 
mingled  his  words  with  weeping,  and  Mr. 
Pym  did  likewise,  and  Sir  Edward  Coke, 
"overcome  with  passion,  and  seeing  the  deso- 
lation likely  to  ensue,  was  forced  to  sit  down 
when  he  began  to  speak,  by  the  abundance  of 
tears;"  and  the  Speaker  in  his  ruling  could 
not  refrain  from  weeping,  and  Sir  John  Eliot 
groaned  aloud  in  despair.  Think  of  it, —  think 
of  those  sturdy  men,  tough  old  Coke  of  Coke 
upon  Littleton,  melting  into  tears  of  agony  at 

117 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

what  seemed  to  them  the  death -throes  of  the 
nation,  and  try  to  imagine  what  such  men 
endured,  and  then  you  may  know  why  John 
Winthrop  was  so  willing  to  go  to  New 
England. 

Personal  conditions  may  have  added  reasons 
for  his  decision.  I  have  always  felt  that 
it  must  have  been  a  particularly  degrading, 
biting,  harrying  annoyance  to  a  man  of 
Winthrop' s  temperament,  to  be  subject  to  the 
constant  abuse  which  was  showered  at  that 
day  on  the  Puritan,  his  religion,  his  manner 
of  life.  A  Puritan  woman,  Lucy  Hutchinson, 
the  wife  of  the  Regicide,  says  the  Puritans 
were  branded  as  an  illiterate,  morose,  melan- 
choly, discontented,  crazed  sort  of  men,  not 
fit  for  human  conversation.  Winthrop  him- 
self wrote  in  1616 :  — 

"All  experience  tells  me,  that  in  this  way  there 
is  least  companie,  and  those  who  doe  walk  openlje 
in  this  way  slialbe  despised,  pointed  at,  hated  of 
the  world,  made  a  byeworde,  reviled,  slandered, 
rebuked,  made  a  gazinge-stock,  called  puritans,  nice 
fools,  hipocrites,  hair-brainde  fellows,  rashe,  in- 
discreet,  vain-glorious,   and  all  that  naught  is." 

The  scores  of  vile  and  belittling  epithets, 
the  scurrilous  and  insulting  attacks,  the 
personal  abuse  applied  to  these  Puritans,  have 
been  told  in  hundreds  of  pamphlets  and  books 

118 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

of  the  times,  and  need  not  be  recounted  here. 
To  a  man  of  such  dignity,  such  severity, 
such  uprightness  as  Winthrop,  with  such 
regard  for  the  proprieties  of  life,  these  things 
must  have  been  more  than  distasteful,  and 
must  have  made  him  long  for  a  country  of 
amity,  of  tranquillity,  of  congeniality,  where 
purity  of  life  and  a  sincere  religious  belief 
would  meet  with  a  reward  of  'esteem  and 
respect  and  peaceful  personal  existence  in 
this  world,  as  well  as  heavenly  blessings  in 
the  next. 

This  incessant  abuse  had  not  been  lavished 
upon  the  Puritans  because  they  formed  a  party 
weak  and  insignificant,  but  because  they  were 
formidable  and  successful.  Carlyle  declares 
that  by  this  time  "tlic  far  greater  part  of  the 
serious  Thought  and  Manhood  of  England  had 
declared  itself  Puritan."  We  know  the  contrib- 
utors from  Puritan  ranks  to  the  field  of  litera- 
ture ;  and  wealth,  rank,  social  refinement,  and 
intelligence  were  seen  in  its  numbers.  Even  as 
early  as  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  such  noblemen 
as  the  Earls  of  Warwick,  Bedford,  Huntington, 
and  Leicester  were  friendly  to  and  interested 
in  the  success  of  Puritanism.  Elizabeth's  great 
ministers  —  Burleigh,  Walsingham,  Bacon 
—  were  never  Puritan  haters.  We  have  seen 
that  her  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  founded 

119 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

a  Puritan  college.  During  the  reign  of  James 
the  party  swaj^ed  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
it  was  not  insignificant  in  power  among  the 
lords.  In  truth,  the  Puritans  were  not  morose 
and  sour,  not  even  stern.  They  were  often 
gracious  courtiers,  and  cheerful,  even  gay 
companions  in  social  life.  Lucy  Hutchinson 
has  left  this  picture  of  her  Puritan  husband, 
the  young  Regicide,  — 

*'He  Tvould  dance  admirably  well  but  neither  in 
youth  nor  riper  years  made  any  practice  of  it;  he 
had  skill  in  fencing  such  as  became  a  gentleman ; 
he  had  great  love  to  music,  and  often  devoted  him- 
self with  a  viol  on  which  he  played  masterly,  he 
had  an  exact  ear  and  judgment  in  other  music;  he 
shot  excellently  in  bows  and  guns,  and  much  used 
them  for  his  exercise;  he  had  great  judgment  in 
paintings,  graving,  sculpture,  and  all  liberal  arts, 
and  had  many  curiosities  of  value  in  all  kinds ;  he 
took  great  delight  in  prospective  glasses,  and,  for 
his  other  rarities,  was  not  so  much  affected  with 
the  antiquity  as  the  merit  of  the  work;  he  took 
much  pleasure  in  improvement  of  grounds,  in 
planting  of  groves  and  walks  and  fruit  trees,  in 
opening  springs  and  making  fish  ponds." 

She  speaks  of  his  personal  appearance,  his 
fine  hair  which  he  wore  in  curls  over  his 
shoulders.  All  this  might  be  a  picture  of  the 
courtier  Pepys;  and  it  shows  that,  after  all, 
the  life's  breath,  the  heart's  blood  of  Puritan- 
120 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

ism  was  not  the  severity  nor  the  distinctive 
dress,  nor  the  form  of  worship,  but  its  sincere 
religious  belief,  nay,  more,  its  morality, 
"V  For  there  is  one  element  of  Puritanism 
which  has  been  proved  and  emphasized  to  me 
in  my  study  of  the  lis^es  of  those  of  that  stern 
religion,  and  that  is  their  high  standard  of 
morality,  their  regard  for  the  duties  and  beau- 
ties of  domestic  life.  In  his  private  life, 
and  especially  in  his  relations  to  his  family, 
the  Puritan  was  all  a  man  should  be ;  and  for 
his  firm  stand  in  this  respect,  for  his  writings 
and  his  practice,  we  owe  mainly  to-day  our 
higher  state  of  social  morals.  Everything  in 
history  and  literature  points  to  a  low  and 
depraved  state  of  morals  in  cavalier  life. 
The  family  life  of  John  Winthrop  was  truly 
beautiful,  and  so  was  that  of  hundreds  of  his 
fellow  Puritans. 

A  Puritan  woman  in  those  troublous  times 
had  also  to  bear  many  a  stinging  jest  and 
innuendo  through  her  religion.  One  may  be 
quoted  to  show  what  was  doubtless  a  popular 
sentiment  of  the  times  in  Church  of  England 
circles;  for  the  book  in  which  it  appeared  was 
widely  read,  being  a  favorite  among  those 
essays  analytic  of  human  character  which 
in  the  seventeenth  century  took  the  place 
of    romances.     It    was    called    Micro-Cosmo- 

121 


MARGARET    WINTHROP 

graphic,  and  was  written  by  Dr.  John  Earle, 
Bishop  of  Salisbury.  This  "character,"  as 
the  cha])ter  was  called,  was  "intituled"  "A 
Shee-precise  Hypocrite," 

"Shee  is  one  in  whom  good  Women  suffer,  and 
have  their  truth  misinterpreted  by  her  folly.  She 
is  one,  she  knows  not  what  herselfe  if  you  aske 
her,  but  shee  is  indeed  one  that  has  taken  a  toy 
at  the  fashion  of  Religion,  and  is  enamour'd  of 
the  New-fangle.  Shee  is  a  Nonconformist  in  a 
close  Stomacher  and  Ruffe  of  Geneva  print,  and 
her  puritie  consists  much  in  her  Linen.  Shee 
has  left  her  Virginity  as  a  Relique  of  Popery, 
and  marries  in  her  Tribe  without  a  Ring.  Her 
devotion  at  church  is  much  in  turning  up  her 
eye  and  turning  down  the  leaf  in  her  Booke 
when  shee  hears  nam'd  Chapter  and  Verse.  When 
she  comes  home  shee  commends  the  Sermon  for  the 
Scripture,  and  two  houres.  Shee  loves  Preaching 
better  than  Praying,  and  of  Preachers  Lectures, 
and  thinkes  the  Weeke-dayes  Exercises  farre  more 
edifying  than  the  Sundaies.  Her  fittest  Gossip- 
ings  are  Sabaoth-dayes  journiyes,  where  (though 
an  Enemy  to  Superstition)  she  will  goe  in  Pil- 
grimage five  mile  to  a  silenc'd  Minister  when 
there  is  a  better  Sermon  in  her  owne  Parish. 
Shee  doubts  of  the  Virgin  Mary's  Salvation,  and 
dare  not  Saint  her,  but  knowes  her  owne  place 
in  heaven  as  perfectly  as  the  Pew  shee  has  a  key 
to.  Shee  is  so  taken  up  with  Faith,  shee  has 
no  roome  for  Charity,  and  understands  no  good 
122 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  EN IJ LAND 

Workes  but  wliat  wrought  on  the  Sampler.  She 
accounts  nothing  Vices  but  Superstition,  and  an 
Oath.  .  .  .  Shee  rayles  at  other  Women  by  the 
names  of  Jezabel  and  Delilah;  and  calls  her  owns 
daughters  Rebecka  and  Abigail,  and  not  Anne 
but  Hannah.  Shee  sutFers  them  not  to  learne 
on  the  Virginalls,  because  of  their  affinity  with 
the  Organs,  but  is  reconcil'd  to  the  Bells  for 
the  Chymes  sake,  since  they  were  reform'd  to  the 
tune  of  a  Psalme.  Shee  overflowes  so  with  the 
Bible  that  she  spils  it  upon  every  occasion,  and 
will  not  Cudgell  her  Maides  without  Scripture. 
It  is  a  question  whether  shee  is  more  troubled 
with  the  Divell  (^r  the  Divell  with  her;  shee  is 
alwayes  challenging  and  daring  him  and  her 
weapons  are  Spels  no  lesse  potent  than  different, 
as  being  the  sage  Sentences  of  some  of  her  own 
Sectaries.  No  thing  angers  her  soe  much  as  that 
"Women  cannot  Preach,  and  in  this  point  onely 
thinks  the  Brown ist  erroneous.  Shee  is  a  maine 
divider  to  her  capacitie  of  those  who  are  not  her 
Preachers  and  conserves  all  sermons  but  bad 
ones.  .  .  .  Shee  is  one  that  thinkes  she  performes 
all  her  duty  to  God  in  hearing,  and  shews  all 
the  fruites  of  it  in  talking.  Shee  is  more  fiery 
against  the  Maypole  than  her  Husband  and 
thinkes  he  might  doe  a  Phincas  his  act  to 
break  the  pate  of  the  Fiddler.  She  is  an  ever- 
lasting Argument  —  but  I  am  weary  of  her." 

With  the  one  exception  of  disallowing  that 
the    Puritan    woman    was  a  hypocrite,    these 
123 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

statements  of  Dr.  Earle's  miglit  all  be  true, 
and  not  very  reprehensible;  and  doubtless  in 
external  aspect  many  of  them  were  true.  She 
certainly  did  love  Puritan  lectures  better 
than  Episcopal  prayers ;  she  hated  the  organs 
and  may-poles,  and  she  overflowed  with  the 
Bible. 

And  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  some 
diaries  of  the  times  show  that  the  Puritan 
woman  was  occasionally,  through  revolt 
against  the  laxity  of  the  day,  severely  rigid 
and  harsh.  Ambrose  Barnes  wrote  of  his 
kinswomen  in  this  spirited,  plain-spoken,  and 
graphic  fashion :  — 

''Mrs.  Butler  was  a  gentlewoman  of  strong  parts 
and  great  knowledge  of  divine  things,  but  of  so 
stern  and  harsh  a  temper  that  they  used  to  say 
of  her,  she  had  as  much  grace  as  would  serve 
half-a-dozen  saints  but  not  enough  for  herself. 
Being  left  a  widow  by  her  husband  Butler  she 
married  that  holy,  humble  and  truly  reverent 
Mr.  Elkanah  Wales  of  fragrant  memory.  His  mild- 
ness made  the  ruggedness  and  severity  of  her  society 
more  easy  to  him  than  it  would  have  been  to  many. 
This  man  of  God  was  physition,  I  may  say  Angel 
to  her  soul.  .  .  .  Mrs  Butler's  daughters,  like 
those  of  Job,  carried  Perfume  Paint  and  Perfec- 
tion in  the  very  air  and  sound  of  their  names, 
having  all  the  beauteous  ornaments  of  perfection 
in  a  naturall  plainness.  Her  eldest  daughter 
124 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

Jane  was  another  Sarochia,  few  divines  equalling 
her  skill  in  textual  divinity.  She  married  the 
Kev  Mr  John  Oxenbridge  M.  A.  .  .  .  She  had  an 
infirm  body  but  was  strong  in  faith.  Her  husband 
and  she  tumbled  about  the  world  in  unsettled  times. 
Her  husband,  a  great  divine  and  of  great  ministe- 
rial skill,  she  being  a  scholar  beyond  what  is  usual 
in  her  sex,  and  of  a  masculine  judgment  in  the  pro- 
found points  of  theolugie,  loved  commonly  to  have 
her  oj)inion  upon  a  text  of  scripture  before  he 
preacht  from  it.   .   .   . 

"The  best,  as  well  as  the  eldest  of  all  the  chil- 
dren which  the  Lord  graciously  gave  unto  His 
servant,  was  his  daughter  Mary.  She  was  a 
mother  in  Israel,  a  mother  in  her  father's  house, 
and  a  blessing  to  all  who  had  to  do  with  her. 
Old  Mr  Hutchinson,  whose  eldest  son  she  marrj'ed, 
would  say  he  would  give  a  thousand  pound  if  his 
wife  had  the  sincerity,  reason  and  discretion  his 
daughter  in  laAV  was  mistress  of.  I  question  if  any 
out  of  heaven  excelled  her.  .  .  .  What  was  com- 
mendable and  what  was  discommendable  in  his 
youngest  daughter  Sarah  was  so  strangely  jumbled 
by  the  confusion  of  her  head  that  it  was  an  hard  mat- 
ter what  to  say  of  her,  further  than  she  made  evident 
discoveries  of  the  fear  of  God,  which  in  Chrysos- 
tom's  opinion  makes  a  distracted  person  a  sober 
person.  She  hated  lying  and  abhorred  the  wayes 
of  wicked  men,  read  much  and  was  a  strict  observer 
of  the  Saboth." 

There  are  extremes   in  all  intense  religions. 

These    women    had    what    another    Puritan, 

125 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

Whitelock,  called  "a  religious  desperative- 
noss. " 

In  all  the  collections  of  family  letters 
which  I  have  read,  1  have  never  seen  any 
which  speak  more  forcibly  of  intense  affec- 
tion, purity  of  purpose,  exalted  religious  feel- 
ing, and  steadfastness  throughout  perplexing 
conditions,  than  do  the  letters  exchanged  by 
John  and  Margaret  Winthrop  during  the  time 
of  his  careful  investigation  and  thoughtful 
decision  in  regard  to  their  emigration  to  New 
England.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  their 
letters  as  a  whole  form  a  perfect  ideal  of 
married  love,  and  are  also  a  revelation  of  the 
inherent  grace  and  spiritual  beauty  of  the 
Christian  faith  of  that  generation  of  Puritans. 

The  letters  of  this  year  show  that  under  the 
cold  steel  armor  of  duty  worn  by  John 
Winthrop  there  beat  a  heart  as  tender,  as  pas- 
sionate, as  Shakespeare's;  while  Margaret 
Wlnthrop's  evince  an  exalted,  an  almost  in- 
spired confidence  in  her  husband,  in  the  wis- 
dom and  nobility  of  his  convictions  and  ac- 
tions, which  must  in  turn  have  inspired  him 
and  given  him  good  cburage  and  happiness  in 
his  purpose.  I  will  not  give  in  full  the  letters 
exchanged  during  his  preparations  for  emigra- 
tion, after  his  decision  to  take  this  most 
important  step ;  but  simply  extracts  enough  to 

126 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

show  the  character  of  his  wife's  communica- 
tions to  him,  and  the  answers  they  evoked. 
There  was  one  sad,  one  most  depressing  ele- 
ment to  be  considered  in  this  important 
decision,  —  Margaret  Winthrop  must  be  left 
behind.  She  could  go  with  him  with  clasped 
hands  on  this  ocean  journey.  John  Winthrop 
wrote  to  his  wife  in  the  autumn  of  1(329  from 
London  these  words,  pi'eparing  her  for  the 
thought  of  the  separation  :  — 

"1  sende  thee  herewith  some  papers  concerninge 
N.  E;  when  thou  lookest  upon  them,  thou  wilt 
beare  with  the  brevitye  of  my  letters;  I  would 
have  Forth  read  the  book  to  thee;  for  the  loose 
papers  let  him  write  them  out  better  and  then 
read  tliem  .  .  .  especially  that  gvatious  lettre  in 
the  end,  which  I  wish  tlioe  and  the  rest  to  read 
seariously  over.  ...  I  shall  be  as  loth  to  leave 
my  kinde  wife  behinde  me  as  she  wilbe  to  stay, 
but  we  must  leave  all  in  Gods  good  Providence. 

"1  am  verye  sorye  that  I  am  forced  to  feed  thee 
with  letters  when  my  presence  is  thy  due  and  so 
much  desired;  but  my  trust  is,  that  he  who  hath 
so  disposed  of  it,  will  supply  thee  with  patience  and 
better  comforte  in  the  want  of  him  who  thou  so 
much  desirest;  The  Lord  is  able  to  doe  this  and 
thou  mayest  expect  it,  for  he  hath  promised  it. 
Seeinge  he  calls  me  into  his  worke,  he  will  have 
care  of  thee  and  all  ours  and  our  affairs  in  my 
absence;  therefore  I  must  send  thee  to  him  for 
all  thou  lackest;  goe  boldly  (sweet  wife)  to  the 
127 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

throne  of  Grace;  if  anytliinge  troulde  tliee,  ac- 
quainte  the  Lord  with  it;  tell  him,  he  hath 
taken  thy  husband  from  thee,  pray  him  to  be  a 
husband  to  thee,  a  father  to  thy  children,  a 
master  to  thy  householde,  thou  shalt  finde  him 
faithfull;  thou  art  not  guilty  of  my  departure, 
thou  hast  not  driven  me  awaye  by  any  unkind- 
nesse,  or  want  of  dutye,  therefore  thou  mayest 
challenge  protection  and  blessing  of  him." 

The  wife  wrote  thus  in  return  to  her 
husband : — 

''  I  knowe  not  how  to  expresse  ray  love  to  thee  or 
my  desires  of  thy  wished  welfare,  but  my  hart  is 
well  knowne  to  thee,  which  will  make  relation  of 
my  affections  though  they  be  smalle  in  appearance ; 
my  thoughts  are  more  on  our  great  change  and  al- 
teration of  our  course  heare,  which  I  beseech  the 
Lord  to  bless  us  in  &  my  good  Husband  cheare  up 
thy  hart  in  the  expectacion  of  Gods  goodnesse  to 
us,  and  let  nothing  dismay  and  discourage  thee;  if 
the  Lord  be  with  us  who  can  be  against  us;  my 
grefe  is  the  feare  of  staying  behind  thee  but  I  must 
leave  all  to  the  good  Providence  of  God." 

This  noble  confidence  brought  an  apprecia- 
tive answer  from  the  husband,  — 

"My  sweete  wife,  I  received  thy  most  kinde  Lettre 
and  blessed  be  our  good  God  that  giveth  us  still 
cause  of  rejoycinge  in  the  news  of  each  others  wel- 
fare and  of  those  which  are  deare  to  us ;  and  blessed 
be  God,  who  hath  given  me  a  wife  who  is  such  a 
128 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

helpe  and  incouragcment  to  rae  in  this  greate  worke, 
wherein  soe  many  wives  are  so  great  an  hindrance 
to  theirs;  I  doubt  not  but  the  Lorde  will  recom- 
pense abundantly  the  faithfulnesse  of  thy  love  and 
obedience,  and  for  my  selfe  I  shall  be  ever  mindfull 
of  thee  and  careful!  to  requite  thee." 

As  the  time  of  separation  approached,  he 
wrote :  — 

*'  I  must  begin  now  to  prepare  thee  for  our  long 
parting  which  growes  very  near.  I  know  not  how 
to  deal  with  thee  by  arguments;  for  if  thou  wert 
as  wise  and  patient  as  ever  woman  was,  yet  it 
must  needs  be  a  great  trial  to  thee,  and  the 
greater  because  I  am  so  dear  to  thee.  That 
which  I  must  cliiefly  look  at  in  thee,  for  thy 
ground  of  contentment,  is  thy  godliness." 

To  a  tender  letter  in  which  the  wife  alludes 
to  their  solemn  leave-taking  and  their  joyful 
reunion  in  New  England,  Winthrop  answers 
with  much  passion  that  he  is  "dissolved  in 
tears  at  the  reading.  If  I  live  I  will  see  thee 
ere  I  goe.  I  shall  part  with  thee  in  sorrow 
enough."  The  tears  still  stain  this  sad  and 
loving  letter,  which  is  followed  by  one  after 
the  parting,  which  is  an  outburst  of  still  more 
pathos  and  beauty.  It  was  written  aboard 
tlie  Arbella  riding  at  the  Cowes,  March  28, 
1030. 

''  And  now,  ray  sweet  soul,  I  must  once  again  take 
my  last  farewell  of  thee  in  Old  England.      It  gueth 
9  Vl'3 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

very  near  to  my  heart  to  leave  thee;  but  I  know  to 
whom  I  have  committed  thee  even  to  Him,  who 
loves  thee  better  than  any  husband  can ;  who  hatli 
taken  account  of  the  hairs  of  thy  head,  and  puts  all 
thy  tears  in  his  bottle;  who  can  and  (if  it  be  for 
his  glory)  will  bring  us  together  again  with  peace 
and  comfort.  Oh  how  it  refresheth  my  heart  to 
think  that  I  shall  yet  again  see  thy  sweet  face  in 
the  land  of  the  living! — that  lovelj'  countenance 
that  I  have  so  much  delighted  in,  and  beheld  with 
so  great  content!  I  have  hitherto  been  so  taken  up 
with  business,  as  I  could  seldom  look  back  to  my 
former  happiness;  but  now  when  I  shall  be  at  some 
leisure,  I  shall  not  avoid  the  remembrance  of  thee, 
nor  the  grief  for  thy  absence.  Thou  hast  thy  share 
with  me,  but  I  hope  the  course  we  have  agreed  upon 
will  be  some  ease  to  us  both.  Mondays  and  Fridays 
at  five  of  the  clock  at  night,  we  shall  meet  in  spirit 
till  we  meet  in  person.  Yet  if  all  these  hopes 
should  fail,  blessed  be  our  God,  that  we  are  assured 
we  shall  meet  one  day,  if  not  as  husband  and  wife, 
yet  in  a  better  condition.  Let  that  stay  and  com- 
fort thine  heart.  Neither  can  the  sea  drown  thy 
husband,  nor  enemies  destroy,  nor  any  adversity 
deprive  thee  of  thy  husband  or  children.  There- 
fore I  will  only  take  thee  now  and  my  sweet  chil- 
dren in  mine  arms,  and  kiss  and  embrace  you  all, 
and  so  leave  you  with  God.  Farewell,  farewell.  I 
bless  you  all  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus." 

Mr.  Robert  C.  Wintlirop  compares  this 
agreement  of  husband  and  wife  to  meet  in 
spirit  twice  a  week  during  their  bodily  sepa- 

l::)0 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

ration,  to  the  same  thought  placed  by  Shake- 
speare in  the  mouth  of  Imogen ;  but  he  adds, 
with  keen  insight  into  the  deeper  signification 
of  the  Puritan  compact,  "  Posthumus  was  not 
in  his  forty-third  year,  as  Winthrop  was,  nor 
Imogen  in  her  thirty-ninth." 

In  their  decision  to  emigrate,  John  and 
Margaret  Winthrop  were  supported  and  com- 
forted by  the  steadfast  assistance  of  the  Gov- 
ernor's oldest  son  John,  one  whose  support 
was  indeed  a  firm  staff.  The  young  man  had 
just  returned  from  long  travel  in  distant  lands, 
full  of  the  knowledge  and  confidence  which 
such  journeyings  bring.  He  was  of  an  earnest 
and  sober  disposition,  of  most  exalted  piety, 
and  faithful,  obedient,  and  diligent  in  all 
things.  The  sentence  in  which  he  notifies 
his  father  of  his  decision  to  dedicate  himself 
to  the  work  is  not  only  most  noble  and  philo- 
sophical in  thought,  but  is  a  model  of  English 
literary  style,  — 

"For  the  business  of  New  England  I  can  say  no 
other  thing,  but  that  I  believe  confidently,  that 
the  whole  disposition  thereof  is  of  the  Lord,  who 
disposeth  all  alterations,  by  his  blessed  will,  to  his 
own  glory  and  tlie  good  of  his;  and  therefore,  I  do 
assure  myself,  that  all  things  shall  work  together 
for  the  best  therein.  And  for  myself,  I  have  seen 
so  much  of  the  v.anity  of  the  world,  that  I  esteem 
no  more  of  the  diversities  of  countries,  than  as  so 
131 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

many  inns,  whereof  the  traveller  that  hath  lodged 
in  the  best,  or  in  the  worst,  findeth  no  difference, 
when  he  cometh  to  his  journeys  end  ;  and  I  shall 
call  that  my  country  where  I  may  most  glorify  God, 
and  enjoy  the  presence  of  my  dearest  friends.  There- 
fore herein  I  submit  myself  to  God's  will  and  yours, 
and  with  your  leave,  do  dedicate  myself  (laying  by 
all  desire  of  other  employments  whatsoever)  to  the 
service  of  God  and  the  Company  herein,  with  the 
whole  endeavours  both  of  body  and  mind, 

"  The  Conclusions  which  you  sent  down  .  .  .  are 
unanswerable;  and  it  cannot  but  be  a  prosperous 
action  which  is  so  well  allowed  by  the  judgments 
of  God's  prophets,  undertaken  by  so  religious  and 
wise  worthies  of  Israel  and  indented  to  God's  glory 
in  so  special  a  service." 

We  cannot  form  any  judgment  of  the  diflfi- 
cnlty,  the  struggle  it  must  have  been  for  John 
Winthrop  to  make  this  final  decision  to  come 
to  the  new  colony.  He  not  only  had  to  wound 
his  strong  affections  by  parting  with  his  wife 
and  family,  but  he  had  to  stake  his  fortune; 
and  his  way  was  made  harder  by  conflicting 
advice  from  timid  friends.  Only  two  weeks 
before  the  Agreement  at  Cambridge,  he  received 
this  solemn  warning  from  Robert  Ryece,  a 
friend  whom  he  had  urged  to  join  in  the 
enterprise :  — 

"For  the  subjecte  you  wrytte  of,   breefley   and 
playnely    to    shewe   you    my    myude,    whatsoever 
132 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

others  saye,  I  praye  you  give  mee  leave  in  one 
woorde  to  shewe  you.  The  Church  &  Comraon- 
•welthe  heere  at  home,  hathe  more  neede  of  your 
beste  abyllytie  in  these  dangerous  tymes,  than  any 
remote  plantation,  which  may  be  performed  by  per- 
sons of  lesser  woorthe  &  apprehension,  whiche  I 
coolde  shewe,  yf  I  had  tyme  to  thinke  vpon  dyver- 
sities  of  reasons  which  mighte  be  produced.  Agayne, 
your  owiie  estate  wylbe  more  secured  in  the  myddest 
of  all  accidents  heere  at  home  than  in  this  forreine 
expedition  which  discovereth  a  1000  shipwrackes 
which  may  betyde.  All  your  kynsfolkes  and  moste 
vnderstanding  friends  wyll  more  rejoyce  at  your 
stayenge  at  home,  with  any  condition  which  God 
shall  send,  than  to  throwe  yourselfe  vpon  vayne 
hopes,  with  many  difficulties  and  vncertaynties. 
Agayne,  you  shalbe  more  acceptable  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Hieste,  and  more  vnder  His  protection 
whiles  you  walk  charely  in  your  vocation  heere  at 
home,  than  to  goe  owte  of  your  vocation,  comytinge 
yourselfe  to  a  woorlde  of  dangers  abroade.  The  pype 
goeth  sweete,  tyll  the  b3'rde  be  in  the  nett;  many 
bewtifull  hopes  are  sett  before  your  eyes  to  allewer 
you  to  danger.  Plantations  are  for  yonge  men,  that 
can  endure  all  paynes  and  hunger.  If  in  your 
yeweth  you  had  been  acquaynted  with  navigation, 
you  might  have  promised  yourselfe  more  hope  in 
this  long  vyadge,  but  for  one  of  your  yeeres  to 
vndertake  so  large  a  taske  is  seldom  scene  but  to 
miscarry.  To  adventure  your  whole  famylly  vpon 
so  many  manifeste  vncerteynties  standoth  not  with 
your  wisdom  and  long  experience.  Lett  yonger 
133 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

yeeres  take  this  charge  vpon  them,  with  the 
advyse  of  that  whicli  elder  yeeres  shall  direct 
them  vnto,  the  losse  shalbe  the  lesse  if  they  mis- 
carry, but  their  honor  shall  be  the  more  if  they 
prosper.  So  long  as  you  sytt  at  the  helme,  your 
famyle  prospereth  but  yf  you  shoold  happen  to 
fayle,  your  flock  would  be  at  the  leaste  in  haz- 
arde,  if  not  wholly  to  myscarry.  Yonge  mens 
directions  thowghe  sometyraes  with  some  successe 
do  not  alwayes  succeed.  These  remote  partes  wyll 
not  well  agree  with  your  yeeres ;  whiles  you  are  heere 
you  wyll  be  ever  fytter  by  your  vnderstandinge  and 
wisdome  to  supplj'e  their  necessities.  But  if  it 
shoolde  happen  that  you  shoolde  gett  safely  thither 
you  shall  soone  fynde,  how  necessitye  will  call  for 
supplye  from  these  parts.  I  pray  you  pardon  my 
boldness,  that  had  rather  err  in  what  I  thinke, 
than  be  sylente  in  that  I  shoolde  speake.  How 
harde  wyll  it  bee  for  one  browghte  vpp  among 
bookes  and  learned  men,  to  lyve  in  a  barbarous 
place,  where  is  no  learning  and  lesse  syvillj'tie. 
I  beeseeche  the  Lord  to  direct  you  and  to  keepe 
you  in  all  your  waj-es." 

John  Winthrop  proceeded  calmly  on  his 
way  despite  of  this  and  many  other  discourage- 
ments, among  them  some  from  members  of 
the  Tyndal  family.  Perhaps  he  was  too  busy 
to  heed  them,  for  in  the  five  months  ere  he 
sailed  he  had  funds  to  raise,  ships  to  be 
chartered,  and  ship-supplies  to  be  selected 
134 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

and  purchased.  There  were  ministers  to  be 
chosen,  and  a  chirurgeon.  He  had  to  attend 
tedious  consultations  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  Company,  in  order  to  be  prepared  to 
settle  difficulties  at  Salem.  He  had  also  to 
care  for  the  disposition  and  charge  of  his 
private  affairs,  the  sale  of  his  beloved  English 
home.  In  all  this  time,  though  helped  bravely 
by  his  faithful  son  John,  he  could  make  but 
three  short  visits  to  the  wife  he  was  so  soon  to 
leave  behind  him.  But  at  last  the  prepara- 
tions were  all  at  an  end,  and  after  pious 
Godspeeds  from  scores  of  loving  friends  and 
neighbors,  he  went  on  board  the  ship  Arbella 
at  Southampton  with  Margaret's  two  little 
sons,  Stephen  and  Adam,  and  the  home  of 
his  youth  knew  him  no  more. 

It  is  typical  of  the  broadness  and  calmness 
of  Winthrojj's  mind  that  he  sent  ashore  with 
his  private  messages  ere  he  sailed  a  request 
for  the  prayers  and  affection  of  the  Church  of 
England.  I  say  Winthrop  sent  it.  It  was  a 
circular  letter,  and  he  was  the  first  to  sign  it, 
and  it  was  probably  of  his  composition.  It 
contains  tender  reference  to  the  Church  of 
England  as  "our  dear  Mother,"  and  proves 
that  these  Puritans  were  not  at  that  time 
Separatists  on  principle.  Higginson  had 
given  expression  to  similar  thoughts  the  year 

135 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

before.  The  Church  was,  indeed,  their 
mother,  for  all  the  ministers  accompanying 
them  were  clergymen  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, and  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles  were 
earnestly  confessed  by  them  all;  but  neverthe- 
less they  were  nonconformists  to  the  Estab- 
lishment, and,  when  the  ocean  intervened,  in 
practice  proved  Separatists. 

There  were  some  sad  gatherings  of  friends 
on  the  eve  of  this  embarking.  Hubbard 
says,  — 

''That  honourable  and  worthy  gentleman  Mr. 
John  Winthrop,  the  Governour  of  the  Company, 
at  a  solemn  feast  amongst  many  friends,  a  little 
while  before  their  last  farewell,  finding  his 
bowels  yearn  within  him,  instead  of  drinking  to 
them,  by  breaking  into  a  flood  of  tears  himself 
set  them  all  a-weeping,  with  Paul's  friends  while 
they  thought  of  seeing  the  faces  of  each  other  in 
the  land  of  the  living." 

Truly,  as  Winthrop  wrote  to  one  friend, 
this  addition  of  forever  was  a  sad  ending  to  a 
friendly  farewell.  The  solemn  letters  of 
leave-taking  which  he  wrote  are  exceedingly 
beautiful.  One  to  his  friend  and  kinsman, 
Sir  William  Spring,  member  of  Parliament 
from  Suffolk,  is  a  true  utterance  of  a  David  to 
a  Jonathan,  a  letter  that  thrills  one  in  the 
reading  to-day. 

136 


CONCLUSIONS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND 

But  on  his  wife  Margaret  he  poured  out  his 
tendcrest  valedictions,  and  he  scaled  his 
letters  to  her  with  his  new  signet,  — a  seal 
he  ever  after  used;  it  hore  the  Dove  of 
Promise. 


187 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

On  the  seventy-second  day  of  John  Win- 
throp's  tedious  voyage  across  the  wide  ocean, 
there  came  flying,  as  to  the  Ark,  a  dove ;  and 
there  came  also  a  "  pleasant  and  sweet  air  "  to 
the  weary  passengers  on  board  the  Arbella 
and  her  fellow  transports,  "  a  smell  of  the 
shore  like  the  smell  of  a  garden ;  "  and  four 
days  later  the  Arbella  came  to  anchor. 

"  With  hearts  revived  in  conceit  new  Lands  and  Trees 
they  spy, 
Scenting  the  Caedars  and  sweet  fern  from  heats  reflec- 
tion dry," 

wrote   one    colonist   of    that   arrival,  in    his 
Good  Newes  from  Newe  England. 

Fair  and  beautiful  before  these  shipworn 
souls  lay  the  picturesque  rocks,  the  green 
shores  of  this  Land  of  Promise,  sweet  as  they 
are  to-day  with  summer  incense  from  the  hot 
dry  cedars  and  sweet  fern;  radiant  with  the 
ephemeral,  the  paradisiacal  glory  of  a  New 
England  day  in  June,  —  a  rare  and  perfect 
138 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

day,  —  when,  says  Thoreau,  we  know  all  our 
sins  are  forgiven.  "Most  of  our  people  went 
on  shore  upon  the  land  of  Cape  Ann  and 
gathered  store  of  fine  strawberries,"  as  had 
their  Salem  friends  the  year  before,  sweet 
single  roses  and  strawberries,  —  fruit  em- 
blematic of  the  anticipated  treasures  of  the 
golden  land.  Of  good  courage  and  good  cheer 
were  those  men  and  women,  after  their  weari- 
some pilgrimage,  as  they  had  been  during  the 
voyage,  during  wind  and  storm,  and  when 
eight  strange  sail  bore  down  upon  them  — 
perhaps  the  dreaded  Dunkirkers  —  and  they 
had  gone  between  decks  and  been  "cheerful 
and  comfortable,"  and  "not  a  woman  or  child 
showed  fear  or  dismayedness."  They  had 
fasted  much,  and  prayed  always,  and  cate- 
chized and  prophesied,  and  Mr.  Phillips  had 
solaced  them  with  sermons,  preaching  often 
and  long;  and  here  was  an  answer  to  all  their 
godliness  and  all  their  hopes,  a  sweet  smell 
as  of  a  garden  and  the  fruits  of  the  land. 

Let  us  hear  what  those  hundreds  of  brave, 
happy,  confident,  trusting  Christians  found 
awaiting  them  on  that  beautiful  shore.  We 
learn  little  of  it  from  the  letters  or  journal  of 
the  steadfast  Winthrop;  but  from  a  fireside 
letter  of  Thomas  Dudley  to  the  Countess  of 
Lincoln,  hear  this  brief  account:  — 
139 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

''We  found  the  Colony  in  a  sad  and  unexpected 
condition,  above  eighty  of  them  being  dead  the 
winter  before  and  many  of  those  alive,  weak  and 
sick;  all  the  corn  and  bread  amongst  them  all 
hardly  sufficient   to  feed  them  a  fortnight." 

The  Governor's  heart  must  have  quailed 
at  this  startling  and  appalling  condition  of 
affairs,  —  a  condition  he  certainly  had  no 
reason  to  anticipate,  judging  from  the  eulo- 
gistic accounts  of  the  colony  which  had  been 
sent  to  England  during  the  previous  year. 
Here  were  a  thousand  mouths  to  be  fed,  and 
only  scarcity  before  them.  Sheltering  roofs, 
albeit  of  the  humblest  form,  often  only  booths 
and  tents,  had  also  to  be  provided  ere  the 
warm  summer  days  were  flown,  and  the  stern 
New  England  winter  fell  upon  them.  The 
Governor  at  once  assumed  authority,  and  he 
speedily  despatched  the  ship  Lyon  to  England 
for  store  of  provisions;  and  he  discharged  a 
large  number  of  indented  servants  who,  dis- 
couraged and  despondent,  would  do  little 
work,  but  who  had  to  be  fed.  This  was  at  a 
loss  of  several  thousand  pounds  to  the  Com- 
pany, —  through  forfeiture  of  bonds,  —  but  on 
the  whole  to  the  Company's  good,  since  each 
man  would  work  when  he  found  he  had  to 
shift  and  provide  for  himself.  "And  the 
Governor   presently   fell   to   worke   with  his 

140 


SEPARATION  AND   REUNION 

owne  hands  and  thereby  soe  encouraged  the 
rest  that  there  was  not  an  idle  person  to  be 
found  in  the  whole  Plantation."  And  as 
Salem  "pleased  him  not,"  —  and  I  could 
never  understand  why  it  did  not,  —  he  went 
out  promptly  to  the  Mattachusetts  "to  find 
a  place  for  our  sitting  down ; "  and  soon 
the  band  "planted  dispersedly  "  at  Maiden, 
Charlestown,  Watcrtown,  Roxbury,  and  Dor- 
chester. 

And  there  fell  anon  upon  poor  "Winthrop 
not  only  public  disaster  and  care,  but  sore 
private  affliction,  —  a  mysterious  stroke  of 
Providence.  It  is  but  a  line  in  his  journal, 
"My  son  H.  W.  was  drowned  at  Salem,"  the 
only  agitation  evinced  being  in  the  use  of  the 
first  person  instead  of  his  wonted  habit  of 
referring  to  himself  as  the  Governor.  On  the 
very  day  after  his  landing,  after  escaping 
perils  of  the  ocean,  Henry  Winthrop  plunged 
into  a  creek,  under  the  tropical  sun  of  a  New 
England  July,  to  fetch  an  Indian  canoe  to  his 
comrades,  and,  like  many  another  New  Eng- 
land youth  since  his  day,  "was  taken  with 
the  cramp  a  few  roods  from  shore  and. 
drowned,"  since  none  other  of  those  present 
could  swim.  It  is  not  difficult  to  picture  the 
party  on  shore,  aghast  and  helpless,  and  their 
doleful  return  to  the  stricken  Governor. 

141 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

But  soon  the  warm  summer  days  were 
gone,  and  with  the  winter  again  came  death. 
"  There  is  not  a  house  where  there  is  not  one 
dead,"  wrote  Dudley.  Winthrop  lost  twelve 
of  his  own  household. 

It  is  pathetic  to  read  of  one  little  child  but 
eleven  years  old,  that  before  her  death  she 
gave  "  extraordinary  evidences  concerning  the 
things  of  another  world;"  and  to  know  that 
her  heavenly  visions  came  because  "  of  her 
family  and  kindred  dyed  so  many  as  it  was 
matter  of  observacon  among  us. "  Poor  little 
earth-weary  traveller  I 

Edward  Johnson,  an  eyewitness,  tells  in 
his  Wonder-working  Providence  of  the  want 
and  woe :  — 

"In  almost  every  family  lamentation,  mourning 
and  woe  was  heard,  and  noe  fresh  food  to  be  had 
to  cherish  them.  It  would  have  assuredly  have 
moved  the  most  lockt-up  affections  to  teares  had 
fh^j  past  from  one  hut  to  another,  and  beheld 
the  pitious  case  these  people  were  in." 

Fierce  east  winds  searched  these  poor  sick 
creatures  through  and  through,  and  New 
England  frosts  and  snows  chilled  them.  On 
one  side  lay  the  vast  and  dreary  ocean,  on  the 
other  the  limitless  and  gloomy  forest.  Star- 
vation sat  at  their  door.     "  When  I  could  have 

142 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

meal  and  water  and  salt  boiled  together," 
wrote  old  Roger  Clap,  "  it  was  so  good  who 
could  wish  for  better  ?  "  The  women  at  low- 
tide  gathered  clams  and  mussels  from  the 
frozen  beach,  —  but  dull  and  sorry  winter-fare. 
They  ate  ground-nuts,  acorns,  scant  fish,  and 
thus  eked  out  their  waning  corn-meal.  Where 
was  the  teeming  bounty  of  which  Higginson 
exultantly  wrote  home  to  Old  England,  —  the 
plentiful  fowl  and  game,  the  abundance  of  sea 
fish,  the  lavish  hundredfold  of  corn,  the  beau- 
tiful air,  the  sweet  water  ?  Not  even  the 
water  was  there ;  Governor  Winthrop  and  the 
Charlestown  settlers  had  but  one  spring,  and 
"  that  not  to  be  come  at  but  when  the  tide  was 
down."  This  added  to  their  "present  dis- 
tress." And  soon  a  kindly  Englishman, 
AVilliam  Blackstone,  who  lived  alone  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river  at  a  place  called  Shaw- 
mut,  where  were  excellent  springs,  ""invited 
and  solicited "  them  thither  (and  I  suspect 
lived  to  regret  it);  and  the  Governor  and  the 
minister  removed  there,  and  when  they  went 
we  may  be  sure  others  speedily  followed,  and 
this  place  was  called  Boston. 

And  thus  the  gloomy  winter  wore  on,  so 
unhappy,  so  desolate,  so  forlorn  that  1  cannot 
bear  to  recall  it.  But  Winthrop  noted  it  only 
in  his  prnyers  and  his  tender  heart,  for  his 

148 


MARGARET  WINTTIROP 

cheerful  letters  and  journal  are  silent  as  to 
his  sufferings.  Others  tell  the  details  of  the 
story  of  starvation;  and  we  learn  that  when 
the  Governor  was  distributing  the  last  handful 
of  meal  in  his  barrel  to  a  poor  man  distressed, 
at  that  instant  was  spied  a  ship  in  the  har- 
bor's mouth,  the  Lyon.  She  had  been  gone 
seven  months.  She  brought  to  Winthrop 
news  of  the  birth  of  another  daughter,  Anne, 
and  the  sad  story  of  the  death  of  another  son, 
Forth,  his  third  child,  — a  noble  and  interest- 
ing youth,  just  out  of  Cambridge,  where  he  was 
contemporary  with  Milton.  His  letters  show 
him  to  have  been  dearly  loved  and  loving. 
He  was  consecrated  to  the  ministry,  and  was 
to  marry  his  cousin  Ursula  Sherman;  but  his 
earthly  life  was  ended.  This  was  indeed 
a  clouded  year  in  the  Governor's  life. 

For  the  daily  life  of  John  Winthrop  after 
his  setting  sail  from  England  to  the  time  of 
his  death,  in  his  public  capacity  and  in  brief 
mention  of  his  private  life,  as  well  as  in 
unconscious  delineation  of  his  character,  we 
have  an  ample  private  journal  or  narrative. 
This  journal  has  an  interesting  history.  For 
a  century  after  "Winthrop's  death  the  three 
volumes  were  well  known  and  accessible  to 
historians.  I  suspect  they  were  within  the 
Prince  Library;  for  Hubbard,  leather,  and 
144 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

Prince  all  make  reference  to  them.  For  half 
a  century  they  temporarily  vanished,  when 
the  first  and  second  volumes  were  found,  during 
the  Revolution,  by  Gov.  Jonathan  Trumbull  in 
the  possession  of  the  Wiuthrop  family  of  New 
London.  Governor  Trumbull,  with  his  secre- 
tary, John  Porter,  copied  a  large  portion  of 
their  contents ;  and  soon  after  Trumbull's 
death  Noah  Webster  engaged  Porter  to  make 
a  second  copy,  which,  by  consent  of  the 
Wiuthrop  family,  was  printed  in  1790. 

Meanwhile  the  third  volume  was  missing  for 
a  quarter  of  a  century,  when  it  came  to  light 
in  the  tower  of  the  Old  South  Church  in 
Boston,  in  the  Prince  Library,  —  that  library 
which  was  ])lanncd  and  gathered  to  the  honor 
of  its  founder,  and  scattered  and  neglected 
to  the  disgrace  of  its  custodians.  This  third 
volume  was  given  for  editing  into  loving  and 
expert  hands,  —  those  of  the  intelligent  anti- 
quary, James  Savage,  President  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society,  who  encountered 
sad  rebuffs  in  his  work  of  editing.  His  first 
copy  of  the  third  volume  was  lost,  and  he  had 
to  do  his  work  all  over  again.  He  felt  it 
necessary  to  edit  anew  the  first  and  second  vol- 
umes, for  he  found  the  Plartford  edition  lacked 
accuracy ;  and  before  his  labors  were  ended  the 
original  second  volume  and  nearly  all  his  copy 

10  146 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

were  destroyed  by  fire.  So,  while  we  have  ac- 
curate copies  of  the  first  and  third  volumes,  we 
are  obliged  for  the  other  volume  to  trust  Noah 
Webster's  version.  The  original  volumes  are 
now  in  the  archives  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society.  No  one  can  ever  thoroughly 
know  John  Winthrop's  character  who  has 
not  read  this  journal,  called  Winthrop's  His- 
tory of  New  England.  Its  candor,  fairness, 
veracity, and  singularly  pleasing  though  simple 
diction,  make  it  far  more  attractive  reading 
than  most  of  the  records  of  life  of  that  time ; 
and  to  the  historical  student  every  word 
is  precious.  Its  value  has  been  acknowl- 
edged and  extolled  by  all  historical  writers. 
Mr.  Doyle,  in  his  work  The  Puritan  Colonies 
in  America,  fairly  eulogizes  it,  and  ends  by 
saying,  — 

"One  lays  it  dqjvn  feeling  that  the  whole  inter- 
nal life  of  Massachusetts  has  been  disclosed.  Nor, 
when  the  subject  demands  it,  is  there  any  lack  of 
that  weight  and  dignity  of  speech  which  comes 
from  simplicity  and  clearness  of  mind." 

Five  letters  of  John  Winthrop's  also  remain, 
which  were  written  to  his  wife  during  this 
year  of  gloom,  of  apprehension,  of  loneliness. 
They  are  wonderful  examples  of  calm  repres- 
sion, of  good  courage,  of  Christian  faith;  but 

]46 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

I  present  them  not  so  much  to  tell  the  story 
of  his  life  during  this  dreary  time,  or  even  to 
show  his  courage,  as  to  show  his  constant 
affection,  his  watchful  thought,  his  attentive 
preparations,  and  instructions  for  the  comfort 
of  his  wife  Margaret  during  her  voyage  to  his 
welcoming  arms. 

To  my  verye  locnge  wife  M"^'  Winthrop  the  elder 

at  Groton  in  Suffneere  Sudbury. 

CiiARLETO.v  in  N;  England.  July  16,  1630. 

My  deare  Wife,  —  Blessed  be  the  Lord  o'  good 
God  &i  merciful!  father,  that  yet  hath  preserved 
me  in  life  &  health  to  salute  thee,  &  to  comforte 
thy  longe  longinge  heart,  w'^  the  joyfull  newes 
ofmy  welfare,  &  the  wellfare  of  thy  beloved 
children. 

We  had  a  louge  &  troublesome  passage,  but  the 
Lord  made  it  safe  &  eas3'e  to  us;  &  though  we 
have  meet  w"^  many  &  great  troubles  (as  this  bearer 
can  certifie  thee)  yet  he  hath  pleased  to  uphold  us, 
&  to  give  us  the  hope  of  a  happye  issue. 

I  am  so  overpressed  w"'  businesse,  as  I  have  no 
tyme  for  these  or  other  mine  owne  private  occa- 
sions. I  onely  write  now,  that  thou  mayest  knowe 
that  yet  I  live  &  am  mindfull  of  thee,  in  all  my 
affairs.  The  larger  discourse  of  all  things  thou 
shalt  receive  from  my  brother  Downinge,  w*^**  I  must 
sende  by  some  of  the  last  shippes.  We  have  mett 
w"*  many  sadd  &  discomfortable  thinges,  as  thou 
shalt  heave  after;  &  the  Lords  hande  hath  beeu 
147 


MARGARET  WINTJIROP 

heavy  upon  my  selfe  in  some  verye  neare  to  me; 
My  Sonne  Henry,  my  sonne  Henrye,  ah,  poore 
chihle!  Yet  it  greives  me  much  more  for  my  dears 
daughter.  The  Lord  strengthen  &  comfort  her 
heart,  to  heare  this  crosse  patiently.  I  know  thou 
wilt  not  be  wanting  to  her  in  this  distresse;  yet 
for  all  these  thinges  (I  prayse  my  God)  I  am  not 
discouraged,  nor  doe  I  see  cause  to  repent,  or  dis- 
paire  of  those  good  dayes  here  w'^''  will  make 
amends  for  all. 

I  shall  expect  thee  next  somer  (if  the  Lord 
please)  &  hy  that  tyme  I  hope  to  be  provided  for 
thy  comfortable  entertainment.  My  most  sweet 
■wife,  be  not  disheartened;  trust  in  the  Lord,  & 
thou  shalt  see  his  faithfulluesse. 

Commende  me  heartyly  to  all  o""  kinde  friends,  at 
Castleins,  Groton  Hall,  M''  Leigh  &  his  wife  my 
neighV  Cole  &  all  the  rest  of  my  neighb"  &  their 
"wives,  both  rich  &  poore. 

Remember  me  to  them  at  Assington  hall  & 
Codenham  hall,  M^  Brande  M'  Alston  M^  Mott  & 
their  wives,  Goodm  Ponde,  Charles  Neale  &c  etc. 
The  good  Lord  be  w'**  thee  &  blesse  thee  &  all  o' 
children  &  servants. 

Comend  my  Love  to  them  all,  I  kisse  &  embrace 
thee,  my  deare  wife,  &  all  my  children,  &  leave 
thee  in  his  armes  who  is  able  to  preserve  you  all, 
&  to  fulfill  o""  ]oyQ  in  o''  happye  meeting  in  his 
good  tyme.     Amen. 

Thy  faithfull  husband, 

Jo;    WlNTHKOP, 

I  shall  write  to  my  sonne  John  by  London. 
148 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

My  deare  "Wife,  —  I  wrote  to  tliee  Ly  my 
Lrotlier  Arthur,  but  I  durst  write  no  more  then  I 
need  not  care  though  it  miscarried,  for  I  founde 
him  the  olde  man  still;  yet  1  would  have  kept  him 
to  ease  my  brother,  but  that  his  owue  desire  to  re- 
turne,  &  the  scarcitye  of  provisions  heer,  yielded 
the  stronger  reason  to  let  him  goe.  Now  (my  good 
wife)  let  us  joyne  in  praysinge  o""  mercifull  God, 
that  (howsoever  he  hath  afilicted  us,  both  generally 
&  particularly  mine  owne  family  in  his  stroke  upon 
my  Sonne  Henry)  yet  myselfe  &  the  rest  of  o"'  chil- 
dren &  familye  are  safe  &  in  health,  &  that  he  up- 
liolds  o""  hearts  that  we  fainte  not  in  all  o""  troiibles, 
but  can  yet  waite  for  a  good  issue.  And  howsoever 
our  fare  be  but  coarse  in  respect  of  what  we  for- 
merly had,  (pease,  puddings  &  fishe,  being  o''  ordi- 
nary diet,)  yet  he  makes  it  sweet  &  wholesome 
to  us,  that  I  may  truel}'  say  I  desire  no  better;  Be- 
sides in  this,  that  he  beginnes  w"'  us  thus  in  afflic- 
tion, it  is  the  greater  argument  to  us  of  his  love, 
&  of  the  goodnesse  of  the  worke  w"^**  we  are  about; 
for  Sathan  bends  his  forces  against  us,  &  stirres  up 
his  instruments  to  all  kinde  of  mischief,  so  that  I 
thinke  heere  are  some  persons  who  never  shewed 
so  much  wickednesse  in  England  as  they  have 
doone  heer.  Therefore  be  not  discouraged  (my 
deare  Wife)  by  anythinge  thou  shalt  heare  from 
hence,  for  I  see  no  cause  to  repente  of  o'  com- 
ing hether,  &  thou  seest  (by  o""  experience)  that 
God  can  bringe  safe  hether  even  the  tenderesfc 
women  &  the  youngest  oliildren  (as  he  did  in  many 
diverse  shippes,  though  the  voyage  were  more  teadi- 
149 


MARGARET    WINTIIROP 

ous  than  formerly  hatli  been  knowne  in  this  season). 
Be  sure  to  be  warme  clothed,  &  to  have  store  of 
fresh  provisions,  meale,  eggs  putt  up  in  salt  or 
grounds  mault,  butter,  ote  meale,  pease,  &  fruits, 
&  a  large  stronge  chest  or  2;  well  locked,  to  keepe 
these  provisions  in;  &  be  sure  they  be  bestowed  in 
the  shippe  where  they  may  be  readyly  come  by, 
(w'^''  the  boatswaine  will  see  to  &  the  quartermas- 
ters, if  they  be  rewarded  beforehande, )  but  for  these 
thinges  my  sonne  will  take  care.  Be  sure  to  have 
ready  at  sea  2;  or  3;  skillets  of  severall  syzes,  a 
large  fryinge  panne,  a  small  stewinge  panne,  &  a 
case  to  boyle  a  pudding  in ;  store  of  linnen  for  use 
at  sea,  &  sacke  to  bestowe  among  the  saylers;  some 
drinkinge  vessells,  &  peuter  &  other  vessells;  & 
for  phisick  you  shall  need  no  other  but  a  pound 
of  Doctor  Wright's  Electuariu  lenitivu,  &  his 
direction  to  use  it,  a  gallon  of  scirvy  grasse  to 
drinke  a  little  5  or  6  morninges  togither,  w""  some 
saltpeter  dissolved  in  it,  &  a  litle  grated  or  sliced 
nutmege. 

Thou  must  be  sure  to  bringe  no  more  companye 
than  so  many  as  shall  have  full  provisio  for  a  yeare 
&  halfe,  for  though  the  earth  heere  be  ver}^  fertile 
yet  there  must  be  tyme  &  meanes  to  rayse  it;  if  we 
have  corne  enough  we  may  live  plentifully.  Yet 
all  these  are  but  the  meanes  w'^^  God  hath  ordayued 
to  doe  us  good  by;  o''  eyes  must  be  towards  him, 
who  as  he  can  w"^hould  blessings  from  the  strong- 
est meanes,  so  he  can  give  sufficient  vertue  to  the 
weakest.  I  am  so  streightened  w'^  much  busi- 
nesse,  as  can  no  waye  satisfie  myselfe  in  wrightiuge 
150 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

to  thee.  The  Lorde  will  in  due  t3-me  lett  us  see 
the  faces  of  each  other  againe  to  o""  great  comforte; 
Now  the  Lord  in  mercye  blesse,  guide  &  supporte 
thee;  I  kisse  &  embrace  thee  my  deare  wife.  I 
kisse  &  blesse  you  all  my  deare  children,  Forth, 
Mary,  Deane,  Sam,  &  the  other;  the  Lorde  keepe 
you  all  &  worke  his  true  feare  in  yo"'  hearts.  The 
blessing  of  the  Lorde  be  upon  all  my  servants, 
whom  salute  from  me,  Jo;  Samford,  Amy  &c. 
Goldston,  Pease,  Chote,  &c;  my  good  freinds  at 
Castlins  &  all  my  good  neiglib",  goodman  Cole  & 
his  good,  wife,  &  all  the  rest; 

Remember  to  come  well  furnished  w'**  linnen, 
woollen,  some  morebeddinge,  brasse,  peuter,  leather 
bottells,  drinkinge  homes  &c;  ley  my  sonne  pro- 
vide 12  axes  of  severall  sorts  of  the  Braintree 
Smithe,  or  some  other  prime  workman,  whatever 
they  coste,  &  some  Augers  great  &  smale,  &  many 
other  necessarj'es  w'^''  I  cant  now  thinks  of,  as 
candles,  sope,  &  store  of  beife  suett,  &c.  once 
againe  farewell  my  deare  wife. 

Thy  faithfull  husband. 

Jo;    WiNTHROP. 
Charlton  in  N;  England,  July  23,  16.30. 

My  deare  Wifk, — The  blessings  of  God  all- 
sufficient  be  upon  thee  &  all  my  deare  ones  w"^  thee 
for  ever. 

I  prayse  the  Good  Lord,  though  we  see  much 
mortalitye  sicknesse  &  trouble,  yet  (such  is  his 
mercye)  my  selfe  &  children,  w*  most  of  my 
family  are  yet  livingo  &  in  health  &  enjoye  pros- 
perity enough,  if  the  Affliction  of  o""  brethren  did 
151 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

not  hold  under  the  comfort  of  it.  The  Lady 
Arhella  is  dead,  &  good  M''  Higginson,  my  servant 
old  Waters  of  Neyland  «&  many  others.  Thus  the 
Lord  is  pleased  still  to  humble  us,  yet  he  mixes  so 
many  mercyes  w'''  his  corrections,  as  we  are  per- 
swaded  he  will  not  cast  us  off,  but  in  his  due  tyme 
will  doe  us  good,  accordinge  to  the  measure  of  o' 
Afflictions.  He  stayes  but  till  he  hath  purged  o' 
corruptions,  &  healed  the  hardnesse  &  error  of 
o''  hearts,  &  stripped  us  of  o""  vaine  confidence  in 
this  arme  of  flesh,  that  he  may  have  us  relye  wholly 
upon  himselfe.  The  French  shippe  so  longe  ex- 
pected &  given  up  for  lost,  is  now  come  safe  to  us, 
about  a  fortnight  since,  havinge  been  12  weekes 
at  sea,  &  yet  her  passengers  beitige  but  fewe)  all 
safe  &  well,  but  one;  &  her  goats,  but  6  livinge 
of  18;  so  as  now  we  are  somewhat  refreshed  w"^ 
such  goods  &  provisions  as  she  brought,  though 
much  thereof  hath  received  damage  by  wett.  I 
prayse  God  we  have  many  occasions  of  comfort 
beer,  &  doe  hope,  that  o''  dayes  of  Affliction  will 
soone  have  an  onde,  &,  that  the  Lord  will  doe  us 
more  good  in  the  ende,  then  we  could  have  ex- 
pected, that  will  abundantly  recompense  for  all  the 
trouble  we  have  endured.  Yet  we  may  not  looke  at 
great  thinges  heer.  It  is  enough  that  we  shall 
have  heaven  though  we  should  passe  through  hell 
to  it.  We  heer  enjoye  God  &  Jesus  Christ.  Is 
not  this  enough?  What  would  we  have  more?  I 
thanke  God,  I  like  so  Avell  to  be  heer,  as  I  do  not 
repent  my  cominge  ;  «&  if  I  were  to  come  againe 
I  would  not  have  altered  my  course,  though  I  had 
152 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

foreseen  all  these  Afflictions.  I  never  fared  better 
in  my  life,  never  slept  better,  never  had  more  con- 
tent of  minde,  w'^''  comes  meerly  of  the  Lord's 
good  hande,  for  we  have  not  the  like  nieanes  of 
these  comforts  heer  w"^''  we  had  in  England.  But 
the  Lord  is  all  sufficient,  blessed  be  his  holy  name. 
If  he  please,  he  can  still  upholde  us  in  this  es- 
tate; but  if  he  shall  see  good  to  make  us  partakers 
w"^  others  in  more  Affliction,  his  will  be  done.  He 
is  o'  God,  &,  may  dispose  of  us  as  he  sees  good. 

I  am  sorrye  to  parte  w"'  thee  so  soone,  seeing  we 
meet  so  seldome  «&  my  much  business  hath  made  me 
too  ofte  forgett  mundayes  &  frydayes.  I  longe  for 
the  tyme,  when  I  may  see  thy  sweet  face  againe  & 
the  faces  of  my  deare  children.  But  I  must  breake 
off  &  desire  thee  to  comende  me  kindly  to  all  my 
good  friends  &  excuse  my  not  writinge  at  this  t^^me. 
If  God  please  once  to  settle  me  I  shall  make 
amends.  I  will  name  nowe  but  such  as  are  nearest 
to  thee,  my  broth.  Sc  sister  Gostlin;  m"".  Leigh, 
etc.,  Castleins,  my  neigh.  Cole  &  his  good  wife, 
w"^  the  rest  of  my  goode  neighbors  tenants  &  ser- 
vants. The  good  Lord  blesse  thee,  &  all  o""  chil- 
dren &  famyle.  so  I  kisse  my  sweet  wife  &,  my 
deare  children  &  rest  thy  faithfull  husband 

Jo.    WiNTHROP. 

I  would  have  written  to  Maplested  if  I  had  tyme. 
Thou  must  excuse  me  &  remember  me  kindly  to 
them  all. 

This  is  the  3'  Ire  I  have  written  to  thee  from 
n.  eiigland. 
Sept.  9,  1630. 

163 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

To  ^far ;   Win  ;  the  Elder  at  Groton. 

My  Sweet  "Wife,  —  The  blessinge  of  the 
Almighty  be  upon  thee  &  thine  forever. 

There  is  a  shipp  arrived  at  Plimouth,  some  30; 
miles  from  us,  w"'  came  from  London  the  10"*  of 
August,  &  was  12  weekes  at  sea  in  such  tempests 
as  she  spent  all  her  mastes;  yet  of  60  passin- 
gers  she  lost  but  one.  All  the  rest  (through  the 
Lords  great  mercy)  are  safe  &  in  health.  Edy  of 
Boxted,  who  came  in  her  tould  me  a  fortnight 
since  that  he  had  many  Lres  in  the  shippe  for 
me,  but  I  heer  not  3'et  of  them,  w*^''  makes  me 
now  (havinge  opportunity  to  send  to  Plimouth)  to 
write  these  fewe  lines  to  thee,  least  the  shippe 
should  be  gone  before  I  have  received  my  Lres,  & 
can  returne  answeare  to  them.  Thou  shalt  under- 
stand b}'^  this  how  it  is  w"*  me  since  I  wrote  last  (for 
this  the  3;  or  4"*  Lre  I  have  written  to  thee  since 
I  came  hether)  that  thou  maiest  see  the  goodnesse 
of  the  Lord  towarde  me,  that,  when  so  many  have 
dyed,  &  many  yet  languish,  my  selfe  &  my  children 
are  jet  livinge  &  in  health.  Yet  I  have  lost  12  of 
my  family,  viz.  Walters  &  his  wife  &  2  of  his  chil- 
dren; m'  Gager  &  his  man;  Smith  of  Buxall  &  his 
wife  &  2  children;  the  wife  of  Taylor  of  Haverill 
&  their  childr;  m}^  sonne  H.  makes  the  12;  And, — 
besides  many  other  of  lesse  note  as  Jeff;  Ruggle  of 
Sudbury  &  divers  others  of  that  towne  (about  20) 
the  Lord  hath  stripped  us  of  some  principale 
persons;  jM""  Johnson  &  his  Lady,  M""  Rossiter, 
M"  Philips  &  others  unknowne  to  thee.  We  con- 
ceive that  this  disease  grew  from  ill  diet  at  sea,  & 
154 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

proved  infectious.  I  write  not  this  to  discourage 
thee,  hut  to  warne  thee  &  others  to  provide  well  for 
the  sea  &  hy  Gods  helpe  the  passage  wilbe  safe  & 
easy  how  longe  so  ever.  Be  carefull  (1  intreate 
thee)  to  observe  the  directions  in  my  former  Lres, 
&  I  trust  that  that  God  who  hath  so  gratiously  pre- 
served &  blessed  \is  hetherto,  will  bringe  us  to  see 
the  faces  of  each  other  w"*  abundance  of  joye.  My 
deare  wife,  we  are  heer  in  a  paradise.  Though  we 
have  not  beef  &  mutton  etc.,  yet  (God  be  praj'sed) 
we  want  them  not;  o""  Indian  Corne  answears  for  all. 
Yet  here  is  fowle  &  fish  in  great  plenty.  I  will 
here  breake  off,  because  I  hope  to  receive  Lres,  from 
thee  soone,  &  to  have  opportunyty  of  writings  more 
Largely,  I  will  say  nothinge  of  my  Love  to  thee,  & 
of  ni}^  Longinge  desires  towards  thee,  Thou  knowest 
my  heart.  Neither  can  I  mention  salutations  to  my 
good  friends,  other  than  in  gen'.  In  my  next  I 
hope  to  supply  all.  Now  the  Lord  o""  God,  be  w"* 
thee.  Grace  &  peace  be  w"*  j'ou  all.  So  I  kisse 
my  sweet  wife,  &  all  my  deare  children,  &  blesse 
you  in  the  Lord.     Farewell 

Thy  faithfull  husband. 

Boston  in  Mattachusets  Jo:    WiNTllKOr. 

Nov;  29,  1630. 

Thou  must  excuse  my  not  writing  to  my  sonne 
Jo;  &  other  of  my  friends  at  this  tyme,  for  I 
deferre  it  till   I  receive  my  Lres. 

My  deare  Wife,  —  I  have  small  hope  that  this 
should  come  to  thy  hands,  in  regard  of  the  longe 
155 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

Btaye  of  the  sliippe  hcer,  so  as  thou  maiest  be  well 
onward  of  thy  waye  hether  before  tliese  can  come  to 
England.  Therefore  I  write  little  to  thy  selfe  & 
my  Sonne  &  those  whom  I  expect  to  see  beer 
shortly,  if  it  shall  so  please  the  Lorde.  And 
blessed  be  his  holy  &  glorious  name  that  he  hath 
so  far  magnified  his  mercy  towards  us,  that  when 
so  many  have  been  layd  in  their  graves  since  we 
parted,  yet  he  hath  pleased  to  preserve  us  unto 
this  hope  of  a  joyfull  meetinge,  that  we  may  see 
the  faces  of  each  other  againe,  the  faces  of  o""  chil- 
dren &  sweet  babes.  These  thinges  I  durst  scarce 
thinke  off  heertofore,  but  now  I  embrace  them  ofte 
&  delight  my  heart  in  them,  because  I  trust,  that 
the  Lord  o""  God,  who  hath  kept  me  &  so  many  of 
my  Company  in  health  &  safety  amonge  so  many 
dead  corps,  through  the  heat  of  the  sumer  &  the 
cold  of  winter  &  hath  also  preserved  thee  in  the 
perill  of  childbirth,  &  upheld  thy  heart  in  the 
midst  of  so  many  discouragements,  w''^  the  life  of 
all  thy  companye,  will  of  his  owne  goodnesse  & 
free  mercj'^e  preserve  us  &  ours  still  that  we  shall 
meet  in  joye  &  peace,  w"'''  I  dayly  pray  for,  &  shall 
expect  in  the  Lords  good  tyme;  who  still  continue 
his  favour  &  blessinge  upon  thee  &  o""  sweet  babes 
&  all  thy  company.  For  o'  little  daughter,  doe  as 
thou  thinkest  best,  the  Lord  direct  thee  in  it.  If 
thou  bringest  her,  she  wilbe  more  trouble  to  thee 
in  the  shipp  then  all  the  rest.  I  know  mj  sister 
will  be  tender  of  her  till  I  may  send  for  her.  Bring 
Amy  &  Anne  Goslin  w^*^  thee  if  thou  canst.  If  they 
come  not,  they  will  much  wronge  themselves.  They 
156 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

need  feare  no  want  heer,  if  they  wilbe  guided  by 
Gods  word;  otherwise  they  can  looke  to  prosper  no 
where.  I  prayse  God  I  wante  nothinge  but  thee  «fe 
the  rest  of  my  family;  Commend  my  Love  &  bless- 
inge  to  them  all;  &  to  all  my  neighbo'"  &  frends, 
but  I  have  desired  my  brother  Gostlin  to  perfurme 
that.  Remember  to  bring  juice  of  lemons  to  sea 
w'''^  thee,  for  thee  &  thy  company  to  eate  w***  yo"" 
meate  as  sauce.  But  of  these  things  my  sonue 
hath  direct'o";  so  again  I  Kisse  thee  my  sweet 
wife  &  commend  thee  &  all  o"  to  the  Lord,  & 
rest,   thine. 

Jo;    WlXTHROP. 
March  28,  1631. 

Governor  AVinthrop  made  other  and  careful 
arrangements  for  his  wife's  comfort  on  the 
journey  and  in  her  new  home,  through  letters 
to  his  son  John,  Avho  was  still  in  England; 
and  I  think  the  list  of  the  articles  which  he 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  New  England  is  interest- 
ing enough  to  bear  repetition,  and  instructive 
as  to  the  stores  deemed  necessary  for  coloni- 
zation in  those  days.  They  can  be  compared 
with  the  lists  sent  to  Madam  Winthrop. 

*'  I  pray  take  order  to  make  even  reckoning  with 
all  before  you  come  over,  and  get  a  good  ship  and 
forty  hogsheads  of  meal  at  least,  well  cleansed 
from  the  bran,  and  laid  abroad  three  or  four  daj^s 
before  it  be  packed;  peas  and  oatmeal  well  dried, 
as  much  as  j'ou  can;  good  store  of  dry  Sutfolk 
cheese,  brought  loose,  or  packed  in  very  dry  malt; 
157 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

butter  and  tried  suet;  sugar  and  fruit;  pepper  and 
ginger;  store  of  coarse  rugs  both  to  use  and  sell; 
a  hogshead  of  wine  vinegar;  and  another  of  ver- 
juice, both  in  good  casks  and  iron-bound.  We 
have  lost  much  by  bad  casks.  Bestow  everything 
in  even  hogsheads,  if  you  can ;  for  it  will  save 
much  in  the  charge  of  freiglit.  Bring  some  good 
oil,  pitch,  and  tar,  and  a  good  piece  of  an  old 
cable;  for  that  which  was  sent  is  much  lost.  Some 
more  cows  would  be  brought,  especially  two  new 
milch,  which  must  be  well  mealed  and  milked  by 
the  way,  and  some  goats,  especially  sheep  (if  they 
can  be  had).  Bring  some  store  of  garlick  and 
onions,  and  conserve  of  red  roses,  alum,  and  aloes, 
oiled  skins,  both  calf  and  sheej),  and  some  worsted 
ribbing  of  several  sizes." 

A   few   months    later   the    Governor  wrote 
again  to  his   son : — 

"Bring  no  provision  with  you  but  meal,  and  peas, 
and  some  oatmeal,  and  sugar,  fruit,  figs,  and 
pepper,  and  good  store  of  saltpetre,  and  conserve 
of  red  roses,  and  mithridate,  good  store  of  pitch, 
and  ordinary  suet  and  tallow.  Bring  none  but  wine 
vinegar,  and  not  much  of  that,  and  be  sure  that 
the  cask  be  good;  store  of  oiled  calve-skins  of  the 
largest;  and  the  strongest  welt  leather  shoes  and 
stockings  for  children;  and  hats  of  all  sizes.  If 
you  could  bring  two  or  three  hundred  sheepskins 
and  lambskins,  with  the  wool  on,  dyed  red,  it 
would  be  a  good  commodity  here;  and  the  coarsest 
woolen  cloth  (so  it  be  not  flocks)  and  of  sad  col* 
158 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

ours,  and  some  red;  millstones  some  two  foot  and 
some  three  foot  over,  with  bracings  ready  cast,  and 
rings,  and  mill-bills;  store  of  shoemaker's  thread 
and  hobnails;  chalk  and  chalk-line;  and  a  pair  or 
two,  or  more,  of  large  steel  compasses;  store  of 
coarse  linen,  some  birdlime." 

It  is  certainly  significant  of  the  personal 
habits  of  Governor  Winthrop  and  his  family, 
and  in  marked  contrast  to  the  ordinary  cus- 
toms of  the  times  and  the  usual  shipping- 
orders  of  the  day,  to  find  no  ale,  beer,  wine, 
or  spirituous  drinks  of  any  kind  upon  these 
lists,  the  only  reference  being,  in  the  letter  to 
his  wife,  of  "sack  to  bestow  on  the  sailors." 
A  letter  written  to  Sir  John  Cooke,  his 
Majesty's  secretary,  by  Thomas  Wiggin,  an 
eyewitness  of  what  he  describes,  thus  bears 
testimony  to  the  Governor's  temperance  in  his 
new  home :  — 

"As  for  the  Governor  himselfe,  I  have  observed 
him  to  be  a  discreete  and  sober  man,  givinge  good 
example  to  all  the  planters,  wearinge  plaine  apparell, 
such  as  may  well  beseeme  a  meane  man,  drinking 
ordinarilie  water,  and  when  he  is  not  conversant 
with  matters  of  justice,  putting  his  hand  to  any 
ordinarye  labour  with  his  servants,  ruling  with 
much  mildness." 

Tliis  and  other  accounts  all  testify  to  his 
calmness,  his  good  judgment,  his  open  indus- 
159 


MARGARET    WINTIIROP 

try,  and  point  him  out  to  have  been  tl',c  man 
of  a  thousand  to  fill  his  dillicult  position  as 
governor  of  this  new  colony. 

Though  we  have  no  letters  written  by 
Margaret  Winthrop  to  her  husband  during 
their  separation,  we  have  three  written  by  her 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  at  this  time,  —  letters 
so  spirited,  so  full  of  good  courage,  so  eager 
for  the  new  world,  in  spite  of  the  sad  ac- 
counts which  came  to  her,  that  they  show 
still  more  fully  the  elements  of  power  in  her 
character,  and  do  not  let  us  "marvel  as  to 
what  mettle  she  is  made  of."  I  give  them  in 
entirety. 

My  dear  Son, — Blessed  be  our  good  God,  who 
hath  not  failed  us,  but  hath  given  us  cause  of  most 
unspeakable  joy,  for  the  good  news,  which  we  have 
heard  out  of  New  England.  Mr.  Wilson  had  been 
with  me  before  thy  letters  came  to  my  hands,  but 
brought  me  no  letter.  He  speaks  very  -svell  of  things 
there,  so  as  my  heart  and  thoughts  are  there  already. 
I  want  but  means  to  carry  my  body  after  them.  I 
am  now  fully  persuaded,  that  it  is  the  place  wherein 
God  will  have  us  to  settle  in;  and  I  beseech  him  to 
fit  us  for  it,  that  we  may  be  instruments  of  his  glory 
there.  This  news  came  very  seasonably  to  me, 
being  possessed  with  much  grief  for  thee,  hearing 
how  things  went  concerning  thy  wife's  jointure. 
But  now  I  have  cast  off  that,  and  hope  God  will 
turn  all  to  the  best.  If  thou  canst  but  send  mo 
IGO 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

over  when  Mr.  Wilson  goctli  back,  I  shall  be  very, 
very  glad  of  his  company.  If  thy  manifold  enipluy- 
ments  will  not  suffer  thee  to  go  with  me,  L  shall 
be  very  sorry  for  it;  for  I  would  be  glad  to  carry 
all  my  company  with  me.  But  I  will  not  say  any 
more  of  this  till  I  hear  from  thee,  how  things  may 
be  done.  I  pray  consider  of  it,  and  give  me  the 
best  counsel  you  can.  Mr.  Wilson  is  now  in  Lon- 
don, and  promised  me  to  come  and  see  you.  He 
cannot  yet  persuade  his  wife  to  go,  for  all  he  hath 
taken  this  pains  to  come  and  fetch  her.  I  marvel 
what  mettle  she  is  made  of.  Sure  she  will  yield  at 
last,  or  else  we  shall  want  him  exceedingly  in  New 
England.  I  desire  to  hear  what  news  my  brother 
Downing  hath;  for  my  husband  writ  but  little  to 
ine,  thinking  we  had  been  on  our  voyage.  And 
thus,  with  my  love  to  thyself,  my  daughter,  and  all 
the  rest  of  my  good  friends,  I  desire  the  Lord  to 
bless  and  keep  you,  and  rest, 

Your  loving  Mother, 

Margaret  Winthrop. 

I  received  the  things  you  sent  down  by  the  car- 
rier this  week,  and  thank  my  daughter  for  my  band. 
I  like  it  well.  I  must  of  necessity,  make  me  a 
gown  to  wear  every  day,  and  would  have  one 
bought  me  of  some  good  strong  black  stuff,  and 
Mr.  Smith  to  make  it  of  the  civilest  fashion  now 
in  use.  If  my  sister  Downing  would  please  to  give 
him  some  directions  about  it,  ho  would  make  it  the 
better. 

11  101 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

To  Mr  lovingeand  much  respected  Sonne  Mr.  John  Winlhrop 
at  Mr.  Downinys  in  Flete  Strete  near  Flete  Condiie  these. 

My  DEARE  Sonne, —  Since  it  hath  pleased  God 
to  make  a  waye  for  me,  aud  to  give  me  incorage- 
ment  for  my  voyage,  and  upholde  my  hart  that  it 
faynts  not,  I  doe  resolve  by  his  assistance  to  cast 
myself e  upon  him,  and  to  goe  to  N;  E;  as  spedyly 
as  I  can  with  convenience.  Thearfore,  my  good 
Sonne,  let  me  intreate  thee  to  take  order  for  our 
goeinge  as  soon  as  thou  canst,  for  winter  wil  come 
on  apace.  Yet  I  doe  not  knowe  howe  wee  can  goe 
weel  before  harvest,  by  resone  of  our  provisions  of 
corne.  I  did  heare  from  my  brother  Tyndall,  whose 
counsel  is  for  to  sta3'e  till  the  springe,  but  I  hope 
to  breake  through  that,  &  gette  his  good  will.  I 
did  speak  with  Mr.  AVilson,  who  was  very  desyrous 
to  knowe  when  we  went,  but  then  I  could  not  tell 
howe  things  would  falle  out  at  London,  and  could 
not  resolve  him.  If  he  goe  it  must  be  without  his 
wife's  consent,  for  she  is  more  averce  than  ever  she 
w^as.  If  he  goe  not  it  will  disharten  many  that 
would  be  wiling  to  goe.  I  have  bin  constrayned 
to  send  to  the  tenants  for  rent,  wautinge  monye, 
but  have  received  but  a  little  yet.  This  weeke  they 
promise  to  paye.  They  complayne  of  the  hardnesse 
of  the  times,  and  would  be  glad  to  be  forborne,  but 
I  tell  them  that  my  necessityes  requires  it,  so  I 
hope  to  gette  in  some.  I  thanke  God  my  daughter 
came  home  safe,  &  is  very  welcome.  I  should  have 
bine  very  glad  to  see  thy  selfe,  but  I  knowe  that 
thou  art  full  of  businesse.  I  heare  my  sister 
162 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

Downiiige  will  come  downe;  I  pray  tell  liir  from 
me  she  shalbe  very  welcome,  w"='*  wilbe  hir  best  in- 
tertainement;  so  shall  Mrs.  Downinge,  if  she  pleas 
to  bringe  hir.  And  thus  with  my  best  affections  to 
thyself e,  brother  and  sister  D.  I  commit  you  to 
God. 

Your  loviuge  mother, 

Makgaket  Winthrop. 

To  hir  very  lovinge  Sonne  il/'-  John  Winthrope  at  Mr.  Down' 
ings  house  neare  Jleet  Condite  these,  Londone. 

Lovinge  Sonne,  —  I  can  saye  little  of  any  busi- 
nesse,  havinge  not  heard  how  you  and  the  ffeffees 
will  agree  with  Mr.  Warren.  I  beinge  not  able 
myselfe  to  know  what  wilbe  the  best  corce  to 
take  for  my  voyage,  doe  refer  myselfe  to  you  and 
the  rest  of  my  frends,  to  be  gyded  by  your  good 
counseles.  My  will  is  readdy,  to  goe  as  sone  as 
may  be  with  any  conveniency.  I  am  glad  that  thy 
selfe  and  the  rest  of  my  companye  are  willinge  to 
accompanye  me;  we  shall  al  joine  together  I  hope, 
and  be  of  one  minde,  to  suffer  what  God  hath  layed 
out  for  us,  and  to  reioyce  together.  I  reioyce  much 
to  heare  that  Mr.  Cottington  beares  such  good  affec- 
tions to  my  daiighter;  I  trust  theare  wil  be  a  further 
])rosedinge.  I  have  heard  him  very  well  reported 
of,  to  be  a  religious  man,  and  one  of  good  meanes. 
Mr.  Wilson  had  some  speech  with  me  aboute  it,  and 
did  very  much  desyre  to  knowe  hir  vertues,  I  gave 
hir  the  best  commendations  that  I  could.  I  shall 
dayly  expect  his  cominge,  he  shal  be  very  welcome. 
My  brother  Tyndall  was  with  me  the  last  weeke, 
1G3 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

and  tolde  me  he  would  be  in  Londone  on  tuesday, 
and  so  I  did  not  send  to  hi  in,  knowinge  he  would 
be  gone.  I  send  up  your  horse  this  weeke,  and 
thus  with  my  love  to  my  brother  and  sister  Down- 
inge,  yourselfe  and  wife  and  all  the  rest  of  my 
friends,  I  commite  you  to  God  and  rest 
Your  lovinge  Mother 

Margaret  "Winthrop. 

I  pray  tell  my  daughter  I  thank  hir  for  hir  letter 
and  would  have  written  to  hir  but  that  I  hope  to 
see  hir  shortly  at  home. 

As  soone  as  I  had  ritten  these  Mr.  Cottington 
came  to  see  us  but  would  not  stay  all  night.  He 
hath  not  yet  made  his  minde  knowne  to  my 
daughter,  but  is  gone  to  Sudbury  to  Mr.  Wilson. 
I  doe  veryly  beleeve  it  wilbe  a  mach,  and  that 
she  shalbe  very  happy  in  a  good  Husband.  Com- 
mend me  to  my  brother  Gostlinge. 

In  November,  1631,  Governor  "Wintlirop 
made  these  entries  in  his  journal :  — 

^'November  2.  The  ship  Lyon,  William  Peirce 
master,  arrived  at  Natascot.  There  came  in  her 
the  governor's  wife,  his  eldest  son,  and  his  wife, 
and  others  of  his  children,  and  Mr.  Eliot,  a  min- 
ister, and  other  families,  being  in  all  about  sixty 
persons,  who  all  arrived  in  good  health,  having 
been  ten  weeks  at  sea,  and  lost  none  of  their 
company  but  two  children,  whereof  one  was  the 
governour's  daughter  Ann,  about  one  year  and  a 
half  old,  who  died  about  a  week  after  they  came 
to  sea. 

164 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

'*4.  The  governour,  his  wife  and  children,  went 
on  shore,  with  Mr  Peirce  in  his  ships  boat.  The 
ship  gave  them  six  or  seven  pieces.  At  their  land- 
ing, the  captains,  with  their  companions  in  arms, 
entertained  them  with  guard,  and  divers  vollies  of 
shot,  and  three  drakes ;  and  divers  of  the  assistants 
and  most  of  tlie  people,  of  the  near  plantations  came 
to  welcome  them,  and  brought  and  sent,  for  divers 
days,  great  store  of  provisions,  as  fat  hogs,  kid,  veni- 
son, poultry,  geese,  partridges,  etc.,  so  as  the  like 
joy  and  manifestation  of  love  had  never  been  seen 
in  New  England.  It  was  a  great  marvel,  that  so 
many  people  and  such  a  store  of  provisions  could  be 
gathered  together  at  so  few  hours  warning. 

"  11.  We  kept  a  day  of  Thanksgiving  at  Boston." 

It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  varied  emotions 
that  filled  the  Governor  at  this  time.  His 
rapture  at  the  reunion  with  his  beloved  wife 
was  tempered  by  grief  at  the  death  and  burial 
at  sea  of  the  little  daughter  whom  he  had 
never  seen,  yet  dearly  loved,  and  the  fuller 
details  of  the  death  of  his  son  Forth.  His 
rejoicing  and  thanksgiving  with  the  plentiful 
store  sent  in  to  honor  the  new  arrivals  must 
have  been  sobered  by  the  thought  of  tho 
terrible  want  and  distress  of  the  i)ast  year  in 
the  colony.  His  pride  and  ever-present  love 
of  form  and  ceremony,  which  existed  even 
under  the  most  adverse  circumstances  in  those 
days,  found  gratification  in  the  armed  guard 
166 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

and  the  welcoming  volleys  of  shot,  and  in 
the  honoring  visit  of  Governor  Bradford  from 
the  then  very  distant  colony  of  Plymouth. 
The  presence  of  the  enthusiastic  and  amiable 
young  minister,  John  Eliot,  was  a  deep  satis- 
faction to  him ;  and  the  arrival  of  his  son, 
known  usually  as  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  must 
have  seemed  to  him  a  tower  of  strength,  and  a 
deeply  welcome  one,  —  for  this  young  man  was 
the  noble  son  of  a  noble  father,  and,  born  when 
the  latter  was  but  eighteen  years  old,  was 
almost  like  a  younger  brother.  He  proved 
his  father's  efficient  helper,  his  companion, 
his  delight;  and  here  maybe  fitly  inserted  the 
father's  testimony  to  his  son's  goodness,  — 
testimony  written  much  later  in  life,  of  which 
only  this  imperfect  portion  exists,  as  it  was 
published  (in  modernized  spelling)  by  Cotton 
Mather.  Mr.  Robert  C.  Winthrop  aptly  terms 
it  an  exquisite  fragment.  Its  beauty  strikes 
me  afresh  each  time  I  read  it.  It  was  writ- 
ten soon  after  the  death  of  the  Governor's 
daughter,  Mary  Dudley,  in  a  time  of  many 
temporal  troubles,  and  when  he  naturally 
turned  to  his  beloved  first-born  for  comfort. 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

You  are  the  chief  of  two  families;   I  bad  by  your 
mother  three  sons  and  three  daughters,  and  I  had 

166 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

with  her  a  large  portion  of  outward  estate.  These 
now  are  all  gone;  mother  gone;  brethren  and  sisters 
gone;  you  onl}^  are  left  to  see  the  vanity  of  these 
temporal  things,  and  learn  wisdom  thereb}^,  which 
may  be  of  more  use  to  you,  through  the  Lord's 
blessing,  than  all  that  inheritance  which  might 
have  befallen  you;  and  for  which  this  may  stay 
and  quiet  your  heart,  that  God  is  able  to  give  you 
more  than  this;  and  that  it  being  spent  in  the 
furtherance  of  his  work,  which  hath  here  prospered 
so  well,  through  his  power  hitherto,  jow  and  yours 
may  certainly  expect  a  liberal  portion  in  the  pros- 
perity and  blessing  thereof  hereafter;  and  the 
rather,  because  it  was  not  forced  from  you  by  a 
father's  power,  but  freely  resigned  by  yourself, 
out  of  a  loving  and  filial  res[)ect  unto  me,  and 
your  own  readiness  unto  the  work  itself.  From 
whence  as  I  often  do  take  occasion  to  bless  the 
Lord  for  you,  so  do  I  also  commend  you  and 
yours  to  his  fatherly  blessing,  for  a  plentiful 
reward  to  be  rendered  unto  you.  And  doubt  not, 
my  dear  son,  but  let  your  faith  be  built  upon  his 
promise  and  faithfulness,  that  as  he  hath  carried 
you  hitherto,  through  many  perils,  and  provided 
liberally  for  you,  so  he  will  do  for  the  time  to 
come,   and  will  never  fail  you,  nor  forsake  you. 

My  son,  the  Lord  knows  how  dear  thou  art  to  me, 
and  that  my  care  has  been  more  for  thee  than  for 
my  self.  But  I  know  thy  prosperity  depends  not 
on  my  care,  nor  on  thine  own,  but  upon  the  bless- 
ing of  our  Heavenly  Father;  neither  doth  it  on  the 
things  of  this  world,  but  on  the  light  of  God's  coun- 
167 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

tenance,  tlirougli  the  merit  and  mediation  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  It  is  that  only  which  can  give 
us  peace  of  conscience  with  contentation;  wliich  can 
as  well  make  our  lives  happy  and  comfortable  in  a 
mean  estate,  as  in  a  great  abundance.  But  if  you 
weigh  things  aright,  and  sum  up  all  the  turnings 
of  divine  Providence  together,  you  shall  find  great 
advantage.  — The  Lord  hath  brought  us  to  a  good 
land;  a  land,  where  we  enjoy  outward  peace  and 
liberty,  and  above  all,  the  blessings  of  the  gospel, 
without  the  burden  of  impositions  in  matters  of 
religion.  Many  thousands  there  are  who  would 
give  great  estates  to  enjo}^  our  condition.  Labour, 
therefore,  my  good  son,  to  increase  your  thankful- 
ness to  God  for  all  his  mercies  to  thee,  especially 
for  that  he  hath  revealed  his  everlasting  goodwill 
to  thee  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  joined  thee  to  the 
visible  body  of  his  church,  in  the  fellowship  of 
his  people,  and  hath  saved  thee  in  all  thy  travails 
abroad,  from  being  infected  with  the  vices  of  those 
countries  where  thou  hast  been,  (a  mercy  vouch- 
safed but  unto  few  young  gentlemen  travellers). 
Let  Him  have  the  honor  of  it  who  kept  thee.  He 
it  was  who  gave  thee  favour  in  the  eyes  of  all  with 
whom  thou  hadst  to  do,  both  by  sea  and  land ;  he 
it  was  who  saved  thee  in  all  perils ;  and  he  it  is 
who  hath  given  thee  a  gift  in  understanding  and 
art ;  and  he  it  is  who  hath  provided  thee  a  bless- 
ing in  marriage,  a  comfortable  help,  and  many 
sweet  children ;  and  hath  hitherto  provided  liber- 
ally for  you  all ;  and  therefore  I  would  have  you 
to  love  him  again,  and  serve  him,  and  trust  him 
168 


SEPARATION  AND  REUNION 

for  the  time  to  come.  Love  and  prize  that  word 
of  truth,  wliich  only  makes  known  to  you  the 
precious  and  eternal  thoughts  and  councils  of 
the  liglit  inaccessible.  Deny  your  own  wisdom, 
that  you  may  find  his;  and  esteem  it  the  greatest 
honour  to  lye  under  the  simplicity  of  the  gospel  of 
Christ  crucified,  without  which  you  can  never  enter 
into  the  secrets  of  his  tabernacle,  nor  enjoy  those 
sweet  things  which  eye  hath  not  seen,  nor  ear 
heard,  nor  can  the  heart  of  man  conceive ;  but  God 
hath  granted  unto  some  few  to  know  them  even  in 
this  life. 

Study  well,  my  son,  tlie  saying  of  the  apostle, 
Knowledge  puft'eth  up.  It  is  a  good  gift  of  God, 
but  when  it  lifts  up  the  minds  above  the  cross 
of  Christ,  it  is  the  pride  of  life,  and  the  high 
way  to  apostacy,  wherein  many  men  of  great  learn- 
ing and  hopes  have  perished.  In  all  the  exercises 
of  your  gifts,  and  improvement  of  your  talents,  have 
an  eye  to  your  master's  end,  more  than  to  your  own; 
and  to  the  day  of  your  account,  that  you  may  then 
have  your  Quietus  est,  even,  Well  done,  good  and 
faithful  servant!  But  my  last  and  chief  request  to 
you,  is,  that  you  be  careful  to  have  your  children 
brought  up  in  the  knowledge  and  fear  of  God,  and 
in  the  faith  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  This  will 
give  you  the  best  comfort  of  them,  and  keep  them 
sure  from  any  want  or  miscarriage;  and  when  you 
part  from  them,  it  will  be  no  small  joy  to  your  soul, 
that  you  shall  meet  them  again  in  Heaven. 

The  fatherly  blessing  of   plentiful    reward 
was  iudeed  rendered  unto  this  noble  son.     The 
169 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

Lord  never  forsook  nor  failed  him.  His  life 
was  of  the  greatest  benefit  to  the  colony.  He 
was  for  many  years  Governor  of  Connecticut, 
and,  Savage  says,  was  the  heir  of  all  his 
father's  talents,  prudence,  and  virtues,  and  a 
superior  share  of  human  learning.  By  his 
second  wife,  Elizabeth  Read,  he  left  seven 
children.  His  first  son,  John,  was  also  Gov- 
ernor of  Connecticut,  and  had  one  daughter, 
who  left  no  descendants.  The  second  son, 
Waitstill,  became  Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior 
Court  of  Massachusetts.  Through  his  son 
John  are  descended  those  of  John  Winthrop's 
blood  who  to-day  bear  the  name  of  Winthrop. 


170 


VI 

HOME    LIFE    IN    BOSTON 

No  better  description  can  be  given  of  the 
little  town  which  became  Margaret  Win- 
throp's  home,  than  the  vivid  one  written  by  a 
contemporary  witness,  William  Wood,  in  his 
New  England's  Prospect.  This  author  lived 
in  Boston  from  the  year  1629  to  1633.  He 
says,  — 

"Boston  is  two  miles  north-east  from  Roxberry. 
His  situation  is  very  pleasant,  being  a  peninsula, 
hemmed  in  on  the  south  side  witli  the  bay  of  Rox- 
berry, on  the  north  side  with  the  Charles  river,  the 
marshes  on  the  back  side  being  not  half  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  over;  so  that  a  little  fencing  will  secure 
their  cattle  from  the  wolves.  Their  greatest  wants 
be  wood  and  meadow  ground,  which  never  were  in 
that  place,  being  constrained  to  fetch  their  building 
timber  and  firewood  from  the  islands  in  boats  and 
their  hay  in  lighters.  It  being  a  neck  and  bare 
of  wood,  they  are  not  troubled  with  three  great  an- 
noyances of  wolves,  rattlesnakes,  and  mosquitoes. 
Those  that  live  upon  their  cattle  must  be  con- 
strained to  take  farms  in  the  country,  or  else 
they  cannot  subsist;  the  place  being  too  small 
171 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

to  contain  many,  and  fittest  for  such  as  can 
trade  into  England  for  such  commodities  as  the 
country  wants,  being  the  chief  place  for  shipping 
and  merchandise. 

"  This  neck  of  land  is  not  above  four  miles  in  com- 
pass; in  form  almost  square,  having  on  the  south 
side,  on  one  corner,  a  great  broad  hill  whereon  is 
planted  a  fort,  which  can  command  any  ship  as  she 
sails  into  aiiy  harbor  within  the  still  bay.  On  the 
north  side  is  another  hill  equal  in  bigness  whereon 
stands  a  windmill.  To  the  north  is  a  high  moun- 
tain with  three  little  rising  hills  on  the  top  of  it 
whereof  it  is  called  the  Tra-mount.  From  the  top  of 
this  mountain  a  man  may  overlook  all  the  islands 
which  lie  before  the  bay,  and  descry  such  ships  as 
are  upon  the  sea-coast.  This  town  although  it  be 
neither  the  greatest  nor  the  richest,  yet  it  is  the 
most  noted  and  frequented,  being  the  centre  of  the 
plantations,  where  the  monthly  Courts  are  kept. 
Here  likewise  dwells  the  Governor.  This  place 
hath  very  good  land  affording  rich  corn-fields  and 
fruitful  gardens,  having  likewise  sweet  and  pleas- 
ant springs." 

This  "hio'li  mountain"  was  only  about  one 
hundred  and  thirty-eight  feet  in  altitude  above 
the  sea-level,  and  was  in  rear  of  where  the 
State  House  now  stands.  The  eastern  cone  of 
the  "  Tramount "  was  where  now  is  Pemberton 
Square;  the  western  near  Louisburg  Square. 
"The  great  broad  hill,"  with  "loud  babling 
guns,"  was  Fort  Hill:  the  windmill  hill  was 
172 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

Copp's  Hill.  The  peninsula  was  only  about 
eight  hundred  acres  in  extent,  half  the  size  of 
its  present  area.  Being  "  invironed  by  brinish 
flouds,  saving  one  small  Istmos,"  and  of  high 
elevation  on  the  "frontice-part "  near  the 
sea,  it  was  favorable  in  topography  for 
defence  against  attack.  Winding  foot-paths, 
most  interesting  of  all  roadways,  connected 
the  detached  dwellings,  and  their  irregular 
outlines  still  show  in  Boston  streets.  Tra- 
dition says  that  Washington  and  Tremont 
Streets  "follow  the  windings"  of  William 
Blackstone's  cow. 

On  the  eastern  and  more  gentle  slope  of 
Beacon  Hill,  near  the  water,  were  soon  built 
the  new  meeting-house  and  the  market.  The 
thatched  clay  houses  were  quickly  replaced  by 
more  substantial  dwellings.  They  clustered 
around  the  church,  their  spiritual  and  civic 
centre,  and  scattered  away  on  either  hand, 
northeasterly  and  southerly.  William  Cod- 
dington  built  the  first  brick  house.  On  the 
main  street,  now  Washington  Street,  near  the 
site  of  the  Old  South  Church,  lived  John  and 
Margaret  Winthrop.  Upon  the  site  of  "  the 
old  corner  book-store  "  dwelt  Anne  Hutchin- 
son. Governor  Bellingham  and  his  Penelope 
lived  where  Washington  Street  crosses  Corn- 
hill  and  Brattle  Street.  Anne  Hibbins  lived 
173 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

on  Milk  Street,  on  the  line  of  the  present 
Devonshire  Street.  Governor  Endicott's  house 
stood  where  now  are  the  shops  on  Tremont 
Street  at  the  head  of  Court  Street. 

There  is  no  more  positive  source  of  valuable 
information  of  the  most  reliable,  most  uncon- 
trovertible form  to  be  employed  in  the  evolution 
of  the  social  and  domestic  history  of  the  New 
England  colonists  than  is  obtained  from  the 
inventories  of  the  estates  of  the  old  Pilgrims 
and  Puritans.  Many  of  these  ancient  inven- 
tories still  exist  in  the  yellow  and  mildewed 
court  records  of  the  different  colonies.  That 
of  the  estate  of  Governor  Winthrop  which  he 
left  at  his  death  is  in  the  first  volume  of  the 
Suffolk  County  Records  of  the  Probate  Court. 
It  is  fitting  to  be  given  in  this  story  of  domestic 
life  in  those  days,  and  it  is  sufficiently  curious 
and  interesting  in  itself  to  be  printed  in  full. 

An  Inventory  of  ye  goods  &  chattels  of  John  Win- 
throp Esqr.  late  Governor  of  ye  Massachusetts, 
deceased,  taken  hy  James  Johnson  &  William 
Aspinwall  ye  17  of  ye  2^  Mo.  1649. 

£    s.   d. 
Imprimis  in  ye  Garret  over  ye  parlor  in 

hemp  &  tow  00  15  00 

It.     a  ball  of  haire  twine  00  03  00 

It.     drumme  heades  00  10  00 

It.     2  paire  andirons  01  10  00 

174 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

It.  1  musket  &  bandilP*  1  French  car- 
bine 1  pistol 

It.  1  brass  kettle 

It.  3  trunks  4  chests  2  chaires 

It.  in  buckles  &  teretts. 

It.  3  small  measures  tin  &  wire. 

It.  2  leather  bottles  -  ratrap 

It.  3    joyners    saw-plates     2    sitting 

wreels  &  broken  brass 

It.  3  cases  for  bottles 

It.  a  little  trunk  w"'  fish  hooks 

It.  20  tin  plates 

It.  a  box  w"^  some  files 

It.  a  pipe  &  a  pestle 

It.  in  small  pieces  of  iron  ware 

It.  warming  pan 

It.  twine  for  silk  &  caliber  moulds 

It.  a  wire  &  iron  chaine 

It.  1  iron  pot  &  2  Coopb  drawers 

It.  7  Fewter    dishes    10    plates    &    5 

small  dishes 

It.  a  stew  pan  a  small  ewer  &  flagon 

It.  3  brasse  &  3  pewter  candlesticks 

It.  a  chamber  pott  close  stoole  &  ladle 

It.  a  brass  lamp  3  braces  «&  iron  pott 

It.  Ould  armour  1  pistol  an  iron  dogg 

It.  1  great  dripping  pan  and  2  oldswords 

It.  an  ould  iron  &  an  iron  chaine 


£ 

s. 

d. 

01 

04 

00 

01 

10 

00 

01 

05 

00 

00 

05 

00 

00 

05 

00 

00  09  00 

00  06  00 

00 

OG 

00 

00 

04 

00 

00 

17 

00 

00 

12 

06 

00 

12 

06 

01 

17 

00 

00 

08 

00 

01 

00 

00 

00 

05 

00 

00 

05  00 

01 

12 

00 

00 

06 

00 

00 

12 

00 

00 

02 

06 

00 

12 

00 

01 

05 

00 

00 

16 

00 

00 

09 

00 

In  ye  garret  over  ye  hall 
It.      1  ould  carpet  curtains  &  vallans         00  14  GO 
It.     6  cushiones  1  brass  2  long  cushion 

clothes  00  15  08 

175 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

£    s.    d. 

It.     another  ould  carpet.  00  10  00 

Above  ye  porch. 
It.     a  bed  and  bedsteed  bolster  &  ould 

Tapestry  02  00  00 


In  ye  Hall  Chamber 

It. 

1  feather  bed,  bolster  coverlet  &  2 

blankets. 

02 

06  00 

It. 

3  stools  &  1  rugg 

00 

12  00 

In  ye  porch  Chamber 

It. 

a  feather  bed,  bolster,  a  hip  rugg 

a  bedstead 

03  00  00 

It. 

an  ould  table,  small  cob  irons  3 

window  cushions 

00 

06  03 

More  in  ye  Hall  Chamber. 

It. 

1  cloake 

01 

10  00 

It. 

2  sattin  doublets. 

02 

00  00 

It. 

Cloth  of  Gold  scarf  &  2  belts 

00 

18  00 

It. 

1  ould  black  suite.  2  cloaks 

03 

00  00 

It. 

Remnant  of  cloth,  ould  silk  stock- 

ings &  Garters 

00 

11  00 

It. 

Tapestry  covering  @  7  y^^  Damaske 

02 

00  00 

It. 

An  old  bever. 

00 

05  00 

It.  In  ye  Parlor  Chamber. 

It.     2   chaires.   1   doz.  napkins.  1  doz. 
diaper    1    doz.    Holland    1    doz. 
course  -  1  old  tablecloth  a  cuji- 
bord  cloth  &  another  table  cloth     02  10  00 
176 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

£    s.  d. 

It.     table  cloth  &  1  plain  table  cloth  02  00  06 

It.     1  pr  of  sheetes  —  pillow  beers  02  OG  00 

It.     18  bands  14  cuffs  5  capps  -  3  shirts-  01  12  00 
It.     1  Cabinet  -  1  doz.   chalk  lines  & 

marked  lines.  00  12  00 


It.  In  ye  Staireway. 

It.  2  ould  shirts  6  pr.  course  sheets. 
15  table  napkins -2  pillow  beers 
-  6  course  tablecloths  02  05  06 

It.     Ould  clothe  00  11  00 


In  ye  Parlour. 
It.     One  downe  bed,  bolsters,  j^illow  & 

coverlet.  05  00  00 

It.     One  pr.  of  worsted  stock:  -doublet 

@  breeches  serge  01  01  00 

It.     ould  ship  breeches  - 1  pr.  stockings 

_  cloth  -  02  01  00 

Cloth  coat  — 
It.     3  pr.  gloves  03  07  06 

It.     1  cloth  suite  -  @  cloak  -  a  wastcoate 

&  another  cloth  suite  06  04  00 

It.     2  trundle  bed  steads  -  &  1  standing 

bed  00   12  00 

It.     1  ould  stuffed  coate  -  1  velvet  rajjp 

-  2  pr  ould  stock :  00  09  00 

It.     2  chests  -  «&  one  pr  silk  garters  00  16  00 

10  08  05 
12  177 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

It.  In  ye  Hall  £  s.  d. 
It.     1  clothe   suite  -  cloake  -  &   waist- 

coate  00  12  00 

It.  1  scarlet  rap  -  1  sattin  rap  -  00  10  00 
It.     a   straining    cloth    tSt    2    pr.    ould 

stockings:  00  04  08 

It.     An  ould  cloake  &  coate.  01  00  00 

It.     a  table  &  carpett  &  ould  bever  01  10  00 

It.     an  ould  case  for  bottles  in  ye  parlo""  00  01  06 

It.     a  round  white  boxe  &  p""  of  snuffers  00  01  04 

It.     6  chaires  and  a  cup  boarde  in  ye  hall  01  15  00 


In  ye  Entry. 

It. 

a  saw  &  earquebuz 

00  10  00 

It. 

8  pewter  dishes 

01  00  00 

In  ye  Kitchen. 

Old  pewter  in  ye  kitchen - 

02  10  00 

It. 

4  brasse  potts  -  2  posnets  -1  skellet 

03  00  00 

It. 

1  copper  kettle  -  &  brass  pan.  - 

01  15  00 

It. 

1  brass  kettle  &  possnett  - 

01  05  00 

It. 

1  pestle  &  mortar  -2  pewter  candle- 

sticks 

00  06  00 

It. 

2  pr  of  trammels  -  an  iron  barr 

00  06  00 

It. 

1  small  kettle  «&  3  spitts 

00  07  00 

It. 

1  table  2  chaires  «&  2  stooles. 

00  05  06 

—  In  ye  cellar  — 
It.     In  lumber  &  a  gridiron  00  14  06 

It.     a  stoole  pan  -  a  pair  of  hinges  &  4 

buffet  stooles  00  08  00 

178 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

It.     A  water  pot  -  a  kneading  trough  -  £    s.    d. 

Soai)e  (K)  06  OG 

It.     Bottom  of  a  still.  00  01  00 


It.     sattin  for  coate  &  an  ould  carpet         02  00  00 
It.     2^  of  boardes  -  &  a  black  coate.  01  00  00 


—  In  ye  Study.  — 
It.     2^  weight    of    leade  -  2    axes  -  2 

adds-  01  17  04 

It.      Ould  iron  [this  line  has  been  worn 

with  constant  folding  and  cannot 

be  read]  00  12  04 

It.      3    sirenges  -  2  tree    pans  -  2    pr. 

gould  w*"  00  15  00 

It.     a  brasil  rod  garnisht  w"*  silver  00  10  00 

It.      a    box     w"'    needles,    awles    brass 

buttones  00  05  00 

It.     a  carbine  -  bandilliers  one  pr.  small 

files  &  16  weights  00  OG  00 

It.      7  iron  hasps  -  great  bullet  moulds 

&  6  fyles.  00  07  05 

It.      6  chesils,   one  vice,  hanier,    stone 

plate.  00  05  00 

It.     3  awles,  one  cupboard  locke,  small 

bolte,  Seyes  00  03  00 

It.      an  ould  knife  brass  pistole  &  graft- 
ing saw.  00  04  OG 
It.      a  pump -a  leade  flagon  &  iron  meate 

pan  00  07  02 

It.      a  brest  wimple  &  a  pounde  of  Steele     00  01    OG 
It.      1  (^  w'  of  shot  &  a  kettle  01  OS  00 

179 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

£    s.  d. 

It.     1  ould  hatt  -  3  smalle  stone  bottles.  00  05  00 

It.  6  pr.  spectacles  -  glue  1  pr  shoese.  00  05  10 
It.     a  tufted  velvet  jerkin  &  a  worked 

velvet  jer'^:  01  15  00 

It.     4  pr.  of  wash  stockings :  00  03  09 

It.     6  pr.  gloves  -  1  shawl  &  twine  -  00  11  05 

It.  wax  caudles  -  2  pr.  oil  stockings  00  07  02 
It.     2  trunks  -  &  a  red  skin  &  a  pound 

twine  -  00  08  06 

It.  1  pr.  shoes  -  pint  pot  -  iron  square  -  00  04  OG 
It.     1  sealeskin  -  3  pr.  old  bootes  -  2 

ould  hatts  -  00  10  00 
It.     1    pr.     compass,    pinchers,    2    pr. 

of 00  03  00 


33  02  06 
70  08  05 

103  10  11 


William  Aspinwall 
James  Johxsox 

This  inventory  contains  none  of  the  posses- 
sions brought  to  the  Governor  by  his  fourth 
wife,  Martha  Coytmore  (for  there  was  a  fourth 
wife,  whether  we  quite  like  it  or  not).  Her 
far  richer  belongings  were  inventoried  in  full 
before  her  marriage  to  him,  and  were  her  own 
absolute  property.  And  as  Governor  "Winthrop 
lived  not  two  years  longer  than  his  wife 
Margaret,  it  is  justifiable  to  take  this  inventory 

180 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

as  a  very  fair  showing  of  the  household  fur- 
nishings of  Margaret  Winthrop's  home,  at 
any  rate  during  the  last  years  of  her  life.  As 
the  scientist  builds  up  with  perfection  of 
detail,  from  a  few  fossil  bones,  the  vast  figure 
of  the  extinct  mastodon,  so  from  this  bare 
list  of  possessions,  with  the  light  cast  by  con- 
temporary inventories,  can  we  show  a  fairly 
outlined  picture  of  this  simple  colonial  home. 
Not  very  luxuriously  or  fully  furnished  was 
it  with  its  small  share  of  the  poor  hundred 
pounds'  worth  of  personal  property  left  by  this 
noble  man  as  a  negative  monument  of  his 
seli-sacrifice,  his  personal  rectitude,  his  abso- 
lute devotion  to  the  colony.  The  hall,  which 
Avas  at  that  day  the  universal  name  of  the 
living  room  of  the  house,  was  furnished  but 
meanly  with  a  cupboard,  six  chairs,  a  table 
with  a  carpet  (which  was  the  term  then 
assigned  to  a  table-covering,  not  a  floor-cover- 
ing), a  white  box,  a  case  of  bottles,  and  a  pair 
of  snuffers.  Some  plate  may  have  stood  on 
the  cupboard's  head,  perhaps  the  "stone  pot 
tipt  with  silver,"  but  none  is  named;  nor  the 
large  cistern  or  ewer,  which  were  so  often 
found  at  that  day  in  the  houses  of  persons  of 
gf^od  standing. 

The    parlor,    the  other    large    room    on    the 

ground    floor,    had   a  standing  bedstead   with 

ibl 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

down  bed,  bolsters,  and  pillows,  and  a  cover- 
let; also  two  trundle-beds,  and  two  chests. 
No  hangings,  no  curtains,  and  valances  to  the 
bed  are  named.  There  were  two  large  cham- 
bers scantily  filled,  the  hall  chamber  and 
parlor  chamber.  In  one  was  only  a  feather 
bed,  bolster,  coverlet,  two  blankets,  a  rug, 
and  three  stools;  in  the  other  were  two 
chairs  and  a  cabinet  or  chest  holding  bed  and. 
table  and  personal  linen.  The  kitchen  furni- 
ture was  meagre,  —  a  table,  two  chairs,  two 
stools,  some  old  pewter,  a  copper  kettle,  and 
a  brass  one,  a  brass  pan,  four  brass  pots,  two 
pewter  candlesticks,  three  posnets,  which  were 
small  porringers,  a  skillet,  a  pestle  and 
mortar,  and  for  the  fireplace  only  two  pair  of 
trammels,  three  spits,  and  an  iron  bar.  To 
this  list  I  think  might  be  added  some  of  the 
contents  of  the  garret  and  cellar  (which  may 
have  been  relegated  there  upon  the  arrival  of 
Martha  Coytmore  Winthrop  with  her  more 
luxurious  belongings),  —  tvvo  pair  andirons,  a 
gridiron,  a  brass  kettle,  two  leather  bottles 
(perhaps  the  very  ones  brought  across  the 
ocean  by  Margaret  Winthrop),  twenty  tin 
plates  (which  were  far  from  common  in  that 
day),  some  small  pieces  of  iron  ware,  and  an 
iron  pot,  a  warming-pan,  seven  pewter  dishes, 
ten  plates,  and  five  small  dishes,  an  iron  dog 

]8'2 


HOME  LIFE   IN  BOSTON 

and  dripping-pan,  and  a  lamp  and  candlesticks 
of  brass  and  pewter.  This  is  in  all  but  a 
poor  outfit  for  a  housekeeper,  especially  for 
one  on  whom  devolved  the  dignified  duties  of 
keeping  house  for  the  Governor. 

The  Governor's  study  was  filled  with  car- 
penter's tools,  old  fire-arms,  and  some  cloth- 
ing. Curiously  not  a  book  is  on  the  list.  He 
may  not  have  been  "  prodigal  in  books  "  like 
his  fellow-governor,  Thomas  Dudley;  but  he 
possessed  some  during  his  life,  for  we  read 
with  mingled  pity  and  respect  the  list  of  those 
lie  bestowed  upon  "Harvard  Colledge,"  — 

1.  A  French  Bible. 

2.  Bertholomaeus  de  rerum  natura. 

3.  Catechismus  p  Christianre. 

4.  Calvini  Institutio  religionis  Christian;e. 

5.  Chronologia  in  Livii  Historiam. 
G.  Christianography. 

7.  Colloquium  Wormaliense  institutuni. 

8.  The  Common  Prayer  Booke. 

9.  Corwelli  Comment  in  Proverbia, 

10.  Davenatii  determinationes  qufPstionum. 

11.  Edmund  bishop  of  London  his  doctrine  & 
homilies. 

12.  Gregorii  Decretal  ia. 

13.  Grasseri  Comment  in  Apocalypsin. 

14.  Harris  his  sermons. 

15.  Hosee  cum  ThargO  in  Hebr. 

16.  Jones  on  Philemon  »&  Hobrewes. 

183 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

17.  Jacobi  Fabrii  opera. 

18.  Juell  against  Harding.  /  Parliament. 

19.  Junius  in  Genesin. 

20.  Lexicon  Grfecolatinum. 

21.  Livii  Historia  in  2  Tomis. 

22.  Ludovici  homilite  in  Jonaj  librum. 

23.  Musculus  in  Matth.-Bura. 

24.  N.  Testament  with  notes. 

25.  Page  on  the  Lords  Praj^er. 

26.  Pashingii  com'  in  catechesin. 

27.  Piccolominteus  de  Arte  definiendi  et  discurs. 

28.  Polani  Comment  in  Danielem. 

29.  Polidori  Historia  Anglicana. 

30.  Randalls  Sermons  on  the  Communion. 

31.  Ortus  Sanitatis. 

32.  Sibthorpes  advisement  to  Catholickes  in 
Ireland. 

33.  Sermones  discipuli  de  Comp. 

34.  Speculum  Spiritualium. 

35.  Sutton's  Lectures. 

36.  Taylor  on  the  parable  of  the  Sower. 

37.  Theatrum  terrse  Sanctse. 

38.  Whittakeri  prnslectiones  disputationes. 

39.  The  life  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  house  that  contained 
this  furniture  was  not  a  pretentious  one, —  only- 
six  rooms  with  lofts  and  garrets.  The  frame 
for  it  had  been  set  up  first  in  Watertown, 
then  moved  to  Boston.  "We  may  be  sure  the 
structure  was  a  plain  one ;  for  we  recall  the 
Governor's  rebuke  to  Thomas  Dudley  for  his 

184 


:  HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

over-luxurious  domicile,  which  is  thus  recorded 
in  his  journal :  — 

''  The  Governour  having  formerly  told  him  [Dud- 
ley] that  lie  did  not  well  to  bestow  such  cost  about 
wainscotting  and  adorning  his  liouse,  in  the  begin, 
ning  of  a  phmtation,  both  in  regard  of  the  necessity 
of  public  cliarges,  and  for  example  etc.  his  answer 
now  was  that  it  was  for  the  warmth  of  his  house, 
and  the  charge  was  little,  being  but  clapboards 
nailed  to  the  wall  in  the  form  of  a  wainscot." 

Winthrop's  steward,  Luxford,  wrote  to  him, 
when  "going  on  with  all  convenyent  speed  in 
building  a  house  for  yor  worship,"  a  letter 
which  shows  the  Governor's  intent  of  sim- 
plicity of  his  own  residence  :  — 

"  I  know  that  your  wor.  doth  delite  in  playn- 
nesse,  and  I  shall  not  willingly  digress  from  that 
rule  ;  contrivinge  it  soe  that,  if  occasio  be  offered, 
it  may  give  content  to  those  who  delite  in  commo- 
dious neatnesse,  not  exceedinge  in  cost;  but  if  for 
a  matter  of  ten  pounds  charge  a  man  may  make  it 
liappely  50.  1.  better,  it  weare  cost  all  saved;  beside 
we  doe  now  build  as  lokinge  on  a  settled  Common- 
wealth and  therefore,  wee  looke  on  posterity  and 
what  maybe  vsefull  or  profitable  for  them;  neitlier 
have  I  any  purpose  to  be  sumptuous  or  at  any 
superlluous  charge." 

The  house  on  Washington  Street  was  cer- 
tainly  fairly   commodious,    for   we    learn    of 

185 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

large  gatherings  being  held  in  it.  It  stood  till 
Revolutionary  times,  occupied  from  Rev.  John 
Norton's  day  by  the  Old  South  Church  as  a 
parsonage;  and  its  fate  was  to  be  destroyed 
for  firewood  by  British  soldiers,  as  was  the 
row  of  fine  buttonwoods  that  skirted  the 
street. 

It  is  somewhat  the  fashion  of  the  present 
hour  to  pity  the  wives  of  the  Puritan  colonists, 
to  sympathize  with  them  in  their  adversities, 
to  deplore  their  hard  lot.  In  the  case  of 
Margaret  Winthrop,  I  am  sure  this  pity  is 
entirely  misplaced.  Certainly  there  was  never 
a  moment,  from  the  first  hour  that  John 
Winthrop  trod  New  England  soil,  even  during 
that  first  year  of  gloom,  that  he  ever  wavered 
in  his  regard  of  it  as  home,  —  a  home  in  the 
beginning  which  with  zeal  and  affection  he 
was  making  ready  for  his  beloved  wife ;  then 
as  his  dearly  loved  and  constant  abiding- 
place,  the  best  land  the  sun  shone  on.  It  was 
a  sore  indignation  to  him  that  any  one  should 
"abase  the  goodness  of  this  country,"  a  wonder 
and  a  trial  that  any  should  leave  it.  He  had, 
in  the  words  of  the  Cambridge  Agreement, 
"passed  the  seas  to  inhabit  and  continue  in 
New  England."  In  this  apotheosis  of  New 
England,  Margaret  Winthrop  joined.  And 
why  should  she  not  be  happy  ?     She  could,  in 

186 


nOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

Iicr  Boston  home,  to  use  the  words  of  her 
noble  stepson,  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  "there 
most  glorify  God  and  enjoy  the  presence  of 
her  dearest  friends. "  She  had  with  her  con- 
stantly her  heart's  delight,  her  beloved  hus- 
band, from  whom  she  was  so  f rc(iuently  absent 
in  England,  and  from  her  arrival  all  her 
family  save  her  son  Deane. 

That  her  life  in  Boston  was  an  active, 
laborious,  over-filled  life  we  cannot  doubt,  — 
so  crowded  with  manifold  and  varied  household 
duties,  similar  to  her  housewifery  in  England, 
that  but  few-  hours  were  left  for  what  we 
should  term  pleasures.  She  also  had  many 
cares,  owing  to  her  husband's  office ;  for  he 
apparently  not  only  held  the  court  in  his 
liouse,  but  he  also  entertained  the  deputies, 
and  all  visitors  were  welcomed  with  simple 
dignity  and  hospitality  in  his  home. 

There  were  some  occupations  and  cares 
which  she  escaped.  T  doubt  if  she  brewed 
much  household  beer,  for  we  know  the  Gover- 
nor's temperance  and  his  disuse  of  all  liquor 
in  his  family,  "drinking  ordinarily  water." 
She  did  not,  for  many  years,  have  to  attend 
to  the  preparation  and  manufacture  of  flax, 
hemp,  and  wool,  for  there  were  none  to  pre- 
pare ;  and  I  feel  really  thankful  for  it.  In 
1642  Winthrop  wrote,  "Divers  houses  were 
187 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

burnt  this  year  by  drying  flax  ;  "  and  the  same 
year  a  law  was  passed  that  children  "such  as 
are  set  to  keep  cattle  shall  be  set  to  some 
other  employment,  withal  such  as  spinning 
upon  the  rock,  knitting,  weaving  tape,"  etc. 
It  was  also  "  provided  that  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  material,  such  as  hemp,  flax,  and  the  like, 
may  be  raised  in  several  towns,  and  tools  and 
implements  provided  for  working  out  the 
same. "  Winthrop  had  sent  to  England  for  a 
brake  for  hemp  as  early  as  1634.  In  1643 
the  author  of  New  England's  First  Fruits 
wrote:  "'They  are  making  linens,  fustians, 
dimities,  and  are  looking  immediately  to 
woollen  goods  from  their  own  sheep."  When 
Margaret  Winthrop  did  resume  these  cares, 
they  were  varied,  I  suspect,  by  the  spinning 
of  silk-grass  or  Indian  hemp, —  much-vaunted 
but  small-profiting  products  of  the  new  world. 
That  the  Puritan  women  did  not,  in  her 
new  home,  forget  or  lack  the  things  beloved 
of  women  in  every  day,  we  have  abundant 
proof.      Winthrop  wrote  in  1641 :  — 

''  A  godl_y  woman  of  the  cliurcli  of  Boston,  dwell- 
ing sometime  in  London,  brought  with  her  a  parcel 
of  very  fine  linen  of  great  value,  which  she  had  set 
her  heart  too  much  upon,  and  liad  been  at  charge  to 
have  it  all  newly  washed,  and  curiously  folded  and 
pressed,  and  so  laid  to  press  over  night.  She  had 
188 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

a  negro  maid  went  into  the  room  very  late,  and  let 
fall  some  snuff  of  the  candle  upon  the  linen,  so  as 
by  the  morning  all  the  linen  was  burned  to  tinder, 
and  the  boards  underneath,  and  some  stools  and  a 
part  of  the  wainscot  bvirned,  and  never  perceived  by 
any  in  the  house,  though  some  lodged  iu  the  cham- 
ber over  head  and  no  ceiling  between.  But  it 
pleased  God  that  the  loss  of  this  linen  did  her 
much  good,  both  in  taking  her  heart  off  from 
worldly  comforts,  and  in  prej>aring  her  for  a  far 
greater  afEiction  in  the  death  of   her  husband." 

Poor  Mrs.  Peirce !  we  can  pity  her,  after  all 
these  years,  both  for  the  loss  of  her  husband 
and  her  linen,  —  the  representation  of  the 
work  of  so  many  weary  hours,  and  the  loss  of 
which  could  scarce  be  replaced  by  the  scantily 
filled  flax-fields  of  New  England. 

The  methods  of  household  lighting  were 
likewise  much  influenced  by  the  exigencies  of 
pioneer  life.  It  is  probable  that  the  glowing 
light  of  the  fireplace  formed  the  chief  means 
of  illumination  in  the  dusk  of  the  earliest  days 
of  the  "  Governour's  Lady  "  in  Boston,  or  the 
flickering  and  brilliant  flame  of  the  pine 
knots  that  formed  such  a  plentiful  and  natural 
illuminating  medium  for  the  colonists.  These, 
of  course,  had  to  be  brought  from  the  inland 
pine  forests  to  the  woodless  peninsula  of 
Shawmut.  Wood,  writing  in  his  New  Eng- 
land's Prospect,  says,  — 
lb!) 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

"  Out  of  these  Pines  is  gotten  the  Candlewood 
that  is  so  much  spoke  of  which  may  serve  as  a 
shift  amonge  Poore  fulke  but  I  cannot  commend 
it  for  Singular  good  because  it  is  something 
sluttish  dropping  a  pitchy  kind  of  substance 
where  it   stands." 

Higginson  said  they  were  so  full  of  the 
moisture  of  turpentine  and  pitch  that  they 
burnt  as  clear  as  a  torch ;  but  Josselyn  com- 
plained that  they  "made  the  people  look 
pale." 

We  may  be  sure  this  candlewood  did  not 
long  "serve  as  a  shift"  in  the  house  of  the 
dignified  Governor,  though  Higginson  wrote 
in  1630  that  New  England  had  then  no  tallow 
to  make  candles  of;  but  candles  were  soon 
sent  from  England  to  Boston.  Indeed,  we 
find  Governor  Winthrop  writing  to  his  wife  to 
bring  candles  with  her;  and  he  sent  in  1634 
to  England  for  tallow  and  wick.  The  instinct 
of  adaptability  which  developed  at  an  earlier 
date,  and  with  more  force  and  intelligence  in 
New  England  than  in  the  Southern  colonies, 
made  the  settlers  of  Massachusetts  promptly 
turn  to  the  products  of  the  new  land  as  sub- 
stitutes for  the  familiar  staples  of  Old  Eng- 
land. "With  the  "  smell  of  caedar  and  sweet 
fern  "  on  the  coast  of  New  England  is  a  still 
spicier  perfume,  that  of  the  baybcrry  bushes, 

190 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

whose  leaves  as  well  as  fruit  give  forth  a  pure 
clear  scent.  From  these  little  insignificant 
green  berries  the  settlers  learned  to  manufac- 
ture an  inflammable  wax,  that  in  the  ])egin- 
ning  supplemented,  and  for  a  century  and  a 
half  augmented,  the  store  of  tallow  in  the 
household.  These  berries  were  gathered  in 
vast  quantities,  and  were  boiled  till  the  wax 
was  expressed.  It  was  then  hardened  into 
pale  green  candles,  which  in  burning  still 
cast  on  the  air  the  pure  and  spicy  fragrance. 

As  domestic  cattle  grew  and  multiplied 
under  the  thoughtful  and  watchful  care  of  the 
colonists,  they  furnished  not  only  the  grateful, 
fresh  animal  food,  but  the  welcome  tallow, 
which  was  truly  one  of  the  household  riches 
of  New  England  until  our  own  day,  when 
mineral  oils  and  gases  have  rendered  the 
every-day  use  of  candles  obsolete. 

From  another  native  of  the  soil,  the  ever- 
present  milkweed,  the  settlers  gathered  a 
silvery  "silk  down,"  which  we  learn  from  the 
Winthrop  letters  was  sometimes  "s])un  grosly 
into  candlewicke. "  This  silk  down  also 
replaced  the  English  store  of  feathers,  being 
used  to  stuff  pillows  and  bolsters. 

The  methods  of  cooking  varied  somewhat 
from  those  of  England,  and  were  osi)Ooially 
influenced   by   the  change    in   food   supjdics. 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

English  wheat  no  longer  afforded  the  staff  of 
life.  Guinncy  wheat,  or  turkey-wheat,  or 
Indian  corn,  as  it  was  variously  called,  took 
its  place,  and  was  to  the  colonists  a  true 
godsend,  for  its  abundance  and  facile  pro- 
duction saved  them  from  starvation.  They 
learned,  of  course,  Indian  ways  of  cooking  it, 
as  well  as  of  planting,  nourishing,  harvesting, 
and  grinding  it.  The  names  suppawn,  pone, 
samp,  succotash,  hominy,  are  all  Indian,  as 
are  the  methods  of  cooking  these  dishes. 
Hasty  pudding  received  an  English  name,  but 
it  was  an  Indian  dish.  I  do  not  doubt  that 
cooking  receipts  in  general  were  much  simpli- 
fied by  the  acquisition  of  the  simpler  Indian 
ways  of  cooking.  For  years  the  colonists 
pounded  corn  in  stone  mortars,  as  did  the 
Indians ;  then  querns  were  used.  Pompions, 
or  pumpkins,  were  a  companion  food  of  corn. 
Johnson  says  it  was  a  fruit  the  Lord  fed  his 
people  with  till  corn  and  cattle  increased. 
The  colonists  dried  pumpkins  for  winter  use, 
as  did  the  Indians. 

Margaret  Winthrop  never  had  to  taste  the 
bitterness  of  privation,  to  know  the  lack  of 
food,  as  did  the  women  colonists  that  first 
bitter  year  of  John  Winthrop's  in  New  Eng- 
land. By  1634  Wood  could  write,  in  his 
New  England's  Prospect:  — 

192 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

"The  ground  affords  very  good  kitchen-gardons 
for  turnips,  parsnips,  carrots,  radishes  and  piini- 
pions,  musk  melons,  isquoukersquashes,  cucum- 
bers, onions;  and  whatsoever  grows  well  in  Eug- 
land  grows  well  liere,  many  things  being  better 
and  larger.  There  is  likewise  growing  all  man- 
ner of  herbs  for  meat  and  medicine,  and  that 
not  only  in  planted  gardens  but  in  the  woods, 
without  either  the  art  or  help  of  man,  as  sweet 
marjoram,  parsley,  sorrel,  pennyroyal,  yarrow, 
myrtle,  saxifarilla,  bayesh.  There  is  likewise 
strawberries  in  abundance,  very  large  ones,  some 
being  two  inches  about,  one  may  gather  half  a 
bushel  in  a  forenoon;  in  other  seasons  tliere  be 
gooseberries,  billberries,  raspberries,  treacleberries, 
hurtleberries,  currants,  wliich  being  dried  in  the 
sun  are  little  inferior  to  those  our  grocers  sell  in 
England." 

Higginson  stated,  even  before  Winthrop 
came,  that  the  Governor  (Endicott)  had  good 
store  of  pease  growing  in  his  garden. 

There  were  some  years  of  comparative 
scarcity.     Winthrop  wrote  in  1642 :  — 

"Corn  was  very  scarce  all  over  the  country,  so  as 
by  the  end  of  the  2d  month,  many  faniilies  in  most 
towns  had  none  to  eat,  but  were  forced  to  live  of 
clams,  muscles,  cataos,  dry  fish,  etc.,  and  sure  this 
came  by  the  just  hand  of  the  Lord,  to  punish  our 
ingratitude  and  covetousness.  For  corn  being 
plenty  divers  years  before,  it  was  so  undervalued, 
13  193 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

as  it  would  not  pass  for  any  coniinoJity ;  if  one 
offered  a  shop  keeper  corn  for  au}-  thing,  his 
answer  would  be,  he  knew  not  what  to  do  with 
it.  So  for  laborers  and  artificers;  but  now  the}'' 
would  have  done  any  work,  or  parted  with  any 
commodity  for  corn.  And  the  husbandman,  he 
now  made  his  advantage,  for  he  would  part  with 
no  corn,  for  the  most  part,  but  for  ready  money 
or  for  cattle,  at  such  a  i)rice  as  should  be  12d. 
in  the  bushel  more  to  him  than  ready  money. 
And  indeed  it  was  a  very  sad  thing  to  see  how 
little  of  a  public  spirit  appeared  in  the  country, 
but  of  self-love  too  much.  Yet  there  were  some 
here  and  there,  who  were  men  of  another  spirit, 
and  were  willing  to  abridge  themselves,  that  others 
might  be  supplied.  The  immediate  causes  of  this 
scarcity  were  the  cold  and  wet  summer,  especially 
in  the  time  of  the  first  harvest;  also,  the  pigeons 
came  in  such  flocks,  (above  10,000  in  one  flock,) 
that  beat  down,  and  eat  up  a  very  great  quantity'  of 
all  sorts  of  English  grain;  much  corn  spent  in  set- 
ting out  the  ships,  ketches,. etc. ;  lastly,  there  were 
such  abundance  of  mice  in  the  barns,  that  devoured 
much  there.  The  mice  also  did  much  spoil  in 
orchards,  eating  oif  the  bark  at  the  bottom  of  the 
fruit  trees  in  the  time  of  the  snow,  so  as  never  had 
been  known  the  like  spoil  in  any  former  winter. 
So  many  enemies  doth  the  Lord  arm  against  our 
daily  bread,  that  we  might  know  we  are  to  eat  it 
in  the  sweat  of  our  brows." 

Yet  Margaret  Winthrop  could  write,  at  this 
very  time  of  distress,  to  her  son  in  England; 

194 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

"When  I  think  of  the  troublesome  times  and 
manyfolde  destractions  that  are  in  our  native 
Countrye,  I  thinke  we  doe  not  pryse  oure  happi- 
nesse  heare  as  we  have  cause,  that  we  should  be 
in  peace  when  so  many  troubles  are  in  most 
places  of  the   world." 

That  important  element  of  daily  life,  domes- 
tic service,  was  well  provided  for  in  the 
colonies  from  the  earliest  days.  Winthrop 
tells  of  the  large  number  of  servants  he  took 
with  him  to  keep  up  his  proper  appearance 
in  his  station  in  life.  Wood,  in  his  New 
England's  Prospect,  written  in  1G34,  says,  — 

"  It  is  not  to  be  feared  that  men  of  good  estates 
may  doe  well  there;  always  provided  tliat  they  goe 
wel  accomodated  with  servants.  In  which  I  would 
not  wish  them  to  take  over  many ;  tenne  or  twelve 
lust}'  servants  being  able  to  manage  an  estate  of  two 
or  three  thousand  pound." 

He  also  says:  "There  is  as  much  freedom 
and  liberty  for  servants  as  in  England,  and 
more  too  .  .  .  therefore  let  no  servant  be 
discouraged  from  the  voyage  that  intends  it." 

We  cannot  know  how  large  a  household  of 
domestics  the  Governor  had,  but  we  know 
what  manner  of  maids  they  were,  —  God- 
fearing, east-county,  English  countrywomen; 
respectable,  I  am  sure,  and  possil)ly  of  very 
decent  birth,  for  at  that  day  the  daughters  of 
1% 


MARGARET   WINTEROP 

well-to-do  farmers  went  into  the  families  of 
friends  and  neighbors  as  "help,"  and  were 
even  in  that  day  called  help,  but  were  termed 
servants  also,  for  neither  the  name  nor  calling 
of  servant  was  then  in  disesteem.  In  1633 
there  were  admitted  to  the  First  Church  of 
Boston,  Elizabeth  Wjbert,  William  Browne 
and  Thomasine,  his  wife,  all  servants  of  "  our 
brother  John  Winthrop  the  elder."  Marie 
Hudd,  his  servant,  joined  the  same  church  in 
163-1:.  In  1639  Johanna  King,  another  of  his 
maidservants,  also  was  gathered  under  Pastor 
Wilson's  care.  These  Protestant  Christian 
girls,  fellow  church-members  of  Margaret 
Winthrop,  must  have  served  her  to  her  great 
content;  but  there  were  other  elements  of 
domestic  service.  There  were  Indian 
brothers  to  be  civilized  and  utilized,  whose 
half-savage  offices,  even  were  thej  "praying 
Indians,"  may  not  have  proved  wholly  help- 
ful. In  the  court  records  of  the  year  1634  we 
find  this  entry:  "There  is  leave  granted  to 
the  Deputy-Governor  John  Winthrop  Esqr 
and  John  Winthrop,  Junior,  each  of  them  to 
entertain  an  Indian  apiece  as  a  household 
servant."  Forty-eight  women  and  children 
were  sold  in  Boston  at  one  time  in  the  year 
1637.  Some  of  these  children  of  the  wild- 
woods  ran  away  from  the  refinements  of  civili- 

1  ',16 


HOME  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

zation,  and  when  caught  were  returned,  and 
taught  an  additional  proof  of  the  refinement 
of  their  masters, —  they  were  branded  on  the 
shoulder.  Some,  to  prevent  further  escape, 
were  sold  to  the  tropics.  In  Governor  Win- 
throp's  will  other  Indians  are  named  as 
farm-servants.  I  don't  know  how  Margaret 
Winthrop  liked  this  Indian  servant.  Her 
friend,  Hugh  Peter,  wrote  somewhat  despitc- 
fully  of  his  wife's  tawny  help.  A  letter  from 
another  friend,  William  Baulstone,  conveys 
a  depressing  notion  of  Indian  service.  I  find 
nothing  to  indicate  that  John  Winthrop  had 
any  negro  servants,  —  "  Moores  "  they  were 
called. 


197 


VII 

SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

We  have  seen  what  manner  of  home  life 
Margaret  Winthrop  had  in  Boston.  Let  us 
regard  the  social  aspect  of  her  Boston  days. 
For  the  matter  of  general  friendly  intercourse, 
she  had  a  far  more  peaceful  and  uniformly 
congenial  circle  than  she  could  have  known 
in  her  English  home ;  for  in  New  England  the 
tastes,  sympathies,  interests,  and,  until  Anne 
Hutchinson's  day,  the  religion  of  the  entire 
community  were  universal,  not  divided.  It 
was  a  circle  of  concentrated  residence,  an 
aggregated  community, —  not  widely  scattered, 
as  in  English  county  life.  It  afforded  intel- 
lectual companionship  through  the  goodly 
proportion  of  college-bred  men,  far  larger  in 
actual  number  than  could  have  been  termed 
her  neighbors  in  Groton.  Of  the  forty  or  fifty 
Cambridge  and  Oxford  men  who  were  in 
Massachusetts  up  to  the  year  1639,  Mr. 
Dexter  says  one  half  were  seated  within  five 
miles  of  Boston   or  Cambridge.     By  1647  a 

198 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

hundred  university  men  had  cast  their  lot 
with  the  colony.  Of  these  two  thirds  were 
from  Cambridge,  particularly  Emanuel  Col- 
lege, where  they  had  known  many  men  of 
mark.  John  Harvard,  Roger  Williams,  ITenry 
Dunster,  John  Norton,  Thomas  Shephcard,  had 
been  fellow-students  with  John  Milton  and 
Jeremy  Taylor ;  President  Chauncey  had  been 
in  college  with  George  Herbert  ;  Wheel- 
wright had  been  contemporary  with  Cromwell. 
These  men  and  their  wives  could  not  fail  to 
form  an  intellectual  and  congenial  social 
circle. 

Among  them  were  many  who  were  old 
friends,  who  lived  near  the  Winthrops  in 
their  English  home.  Rev.  George  Phillips,of 
Watertown,  had  been  a  minister  at  Boxsted 
in  Essex;  Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers  was  born  in 
Dedham,  Essex ;  Rev.  John  Fiske  was  of  the 
Framlingham  Fiskes  of  Suffolk  ;  John  Sherman 
was  from  Ipswich ;  Ezekiel  Rogers  was  born 
at  Wethersfield  in  Essex ;  Nathaniel  Rogers 
was  from  Dedham  in  Essex;  Nathaniel  Ward 
was  from  Haverhill  in  Suffolk;  his  son  John 
Ward  had  a  living  in  Hadleigh,  not  far  from 
Groton. 

In  Roxl)ury  were  many  of  the  "Nazing  Pil- 
grims." These  were  the  settlers  from  Xazing, 
a  little  village  in  Essex  County,  not  far  from 

199 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Margaret  Winthrop's  early  home  at  Great 
Maplestead.  The  birthplace  of  John  Eliot 
was  also  near  Nazing.  The  first  Nazing 
Pilgrims,  including  Eliot,  came  in  the  ship 
with  the  Governor's  wife.  The  names  of 
Pierpont,  Craft,  Heath,  Curtis,  Bowles,  Deni- 
son,  Gore,  Weld,  Brener,  Grosvenor,  Hewes, 
Gookin,  Morris,  and  Trumbull  were  hon- 
ored in  that  day,  and  are  honored  in  their 
descendants. 

What  manner  of  men  these  were  in  gen- 
eral who  bore  John  Winthrop  company,  and 
who  settled  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  is  well 
known  to  us.  Their  social  condition  is  given 
clearly  by  so  thoughtful  and  fair  an  author- 
ity as  Green,  in  his  History  of  the  English 
People.     He  says,  — 

''These  Massachusetts  settlers  were  not,  like 
the  earlier  colonists  of  the  South,  'broken  men,' 
adventurers,  bankrupts,  criminals,  or  simply  poor 
men  and  artisans  like  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  the 
Mayilower.  They  were,  in  great  part,  men  of  the 
professional  and  middle  classes ;  some  of  them  men 
of  large  landed  estate,  some  zealous  clergymen, 
some  shrewd  London  lawyers  or  young  scholars 
from  Oxford.  The  bulk  were  God-fearing  farmers 
from  Lincolnshire  and  the  eastern  counties." 

I  think  we  may  approve  with  confidence  this 
estimate  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  colonists, 
though  the  other  clauses  may  give  offence  to 

200 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

the  modern  spirit  of  tender  sentiment  which 
haloes  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  or  the  equally 
strong  spirit  of  romance  which  idealizes  the 
Virginian  planters. 

Rev.  Joseph  Hunter,  a  London  clergyman 
and  antiquary,  examined  with  care  the 
Candler  Papers  in  the  Harleian  Library  of 
the  British  Museum,  to  learn  the  genealogy 
and  standing  of  the  Suffolk  families  who  emi- 
grated to  New  England  from  the  county  of 
Suffolk.     He  says,  in  a  summing  up,  — - 

"The  Suffolk  emigration  consisted  very  much  of 
persons  who  were  men  of  substance  and  good  alli- 
ances .  .  .  will-making  families,  families  high  in 
the  subsidy-books,  while  some  of  them,  as  the  Wiu- 
throps,  were  among  the  principal  gentry  of  the 
county,  and  several  claimed  the  distinction  of  coat- 
armour,  while  the  divines  were  all  graduates  of  the 
Universities." 

Even  Chalmers,  a  prejudiced  judge,  says: 
"  The  principal  planters  of  Massachusetts  were 
gentlemen  of  no  inconsiderable  fortunes ;  of 
enlarged  understandings  improved  by  liberal 
education;  of  extensive  ambition  concealed 
midcr  the  appearance  of  religious  humility." 
I  do  not  know  that,  after  all,  it  matters  much 
who  or  what  they  were  in  Old  England,  when 
we  know  so  well  what  they  and  their  children 
became  in  New  England. 
201 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

It  has  been  said  that  the  life  of  the  early 
settlers,  especially  of  the  wives,  was  intoler- 
ably dull.  Margaret  Winthrop's  life  was 
certainly  stirring,  for  we  must  remember  that 
she  saw  everything  that  happened  in  the  little 
town,  —  too  much  perhaps.  The  courts  met 
in  her  house,  foreign  visitors  came  there,  and 
Indian  ambassadors  there  held  meetings,  and 
sent  tribute  of  wampum,  scalps,  and  more 
gruesome  si)oils.  Foreign  ships  came  in  at 
the  foot  of  the  street,  bringing  in  rich  stores 
and  sometimes  strange  gifts, —  once  an"ali- 
garto "  for  the  Governor.  The  church  was 
under  her  very  eyes,  and,  alas  I  the  stocks, 
cage,  and  whipping-post.  Near  her  was  the 
market  in  State  Street;  and  not  far  away  the 
first  post-office,  established  in  1639  by  this 
order  of  the  General  Court,  — 

"It  is  ordered  that  notice  be  given  that  Richard 
Fairbanks,  his  house  in  Boston,  is  the  place  ap- 
pointed for  all  letters,  which  are  brought  from 
beyond  seas  or  sent  thither,  are  to  be  brought  unto 
him,  and  he  is  to  take  care  that  they  bee  delivered 
or  sent  according  to  their  directions;  provided  that 
no  man  shall  be  compelled  to  bring  his  letters 
thither  except  he  please." 

Around  the   Governor's  house  as  a  centre 
revolved  the  town,  almost  the  colony;  it  was 
the  original  "  hub. "     I  cannot  believe  Margaret 
202 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

"Winthrop  was  ever  lonely;  she  was  far  more 
in  danger  of  nervous  exhaustion  from  ovcr- 
excitcment,^ — not  the  excitement  of  anything 
like  modern  social  life,  but  a  life  crowded 
with  a  series  of  interesting,  novel,  but  doubt- 
less wearisome  incidents. 

The  unerring  genius  of  Hawthorne  has  given 
to  us  a  striking  picture  of  life  in  Boston  at 
that  time,  in  the  pages  of  the  Scarlet  Letter. 
The  chapters  entitled  A  New  England  Holi- 
day and  The  Procession  have  ever  formed 
for  me  the  social  atmosphere  of  the  Boston  of 
Winthrop's  time.  Hawthorne,  with  his  ([uick- 
ened  vision,  penetrated  through  the  cold-gray 
and  sombre  clouds  that  characterized  the 
mood  and  enveloped  the  manners  of  the  second 
and  third  generations  of  Puritan  New  Eng- 
landcrs,  and  saw  clearly  back  to  that  first 
generation  whose  numbers  had  not  all  been 
born  to  an  inheritance  of  Puritan  soberness, 
whose  fathers  had  lived  in  the  joyous  and 
glowing  sunlight  of  the  Elizabethan  epoch, 
had  known  how  to  be  merry  in  their  day.  A 
heritage  of  the  love  of  pomp  and  magnificence 
which  characterized  that  day  still  tinged  the 
life  of  the  first  New  England  settlers,  and 
found  diluted  expression  in  their  military  pro- 
cessions and  training-days,  in  the  rocreafion 
of  election-day,  the  installation  of  the  magis- 
203 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

trates.  This  outward  state  of  show  was  to 
the  Englishman  the  proper  garb  of  eminence 
and  worth;  and  as  he  had  an  habitual  and 
universal  quality  of  reverence  (which  his 
descendants  lost  when  they  became  native- 
born  Americans),  and  as  the  comparatively 
large  body  of  military  (often  fifteen  hundred 
men)  drilled  by  officers  who  had  seen  service 
in  the  Low  Countries,  afforded  plenty  of 
material  to  make  a  dignified  showing,  I  feel 
that  these  New  England  holidays  of  Margaret 
Winthrop's  day  were,  on  the  whole,  notable 
and  impressive  gatherings.  Even  the  gay 
trappings  of  these  colonial  soldiers,  their 
burnished  armor  and  breastplates,  their  bande- 
liers  and  corselets  and  gorgetts,  their  great 
pikes  and  muskets,  gave  to  them  a  brilliancy 
of  aspect  which  their  successors,  albeit  of 
ancient  and  honorable  fame,  can  never  hope 
to  rival,  and  which  must  have  proved  most 
stirring  to  the  hearts  of  women  and  children 
who  stood  on  that  ancient  training-field,  the 
Common,  and  viewed  the  military  evolutions. 
The  colonies  did  not  lack  for  brilliant 
visitors.  Margaret  Winthrop  met  in  her 
day  many  interesting  sojourners  in  Boston, 
whose  names  are  well  known  to  history. 
Among  these  was  Sir  Harry  Tane.  This  re- 
markable young  man  had  begun  his  public  life 
204 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

under  most  brilliant  and  favorable  advantages, 
—  among  them  his  distinguished  ancestry, 
his  noble  family  connections,  and  his  father's 
many  high  state  oflices,  such  as  Ambassador 
Extraordinary,  Member  of  Parliament,  Treas- 
urer of  the  Royal  Household,  and  Secretary  of 
State.  The  only  wonder  is  that  his  character 
could  have  formed  in  the  court  under  circum- 
stances apparently  so  little  likely  to  develop 
such  noble  traits.  His  piety,  brilliancy  of 
mind,  and  love  of  liberty  and  humanity  were 
shown  at  a  very  early  age.  He  said  himself 
that  at  the  age  of  fifteen  "  God  was  pleased  to 
lay  the  foundation  of  repentance  in  me."  He 
declined  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  at 
Oxford,  thus  forfeiting  his  membership  of  the 
University.  A  visit  in  Holland  and  at  Geneva 
strengthened  his  disapprobation  of  the  ecclosi^ 
astical  condition  of  England,  especially  his 
aversion  to  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church; 
and  the  power  of  Church  and  State  was 
l)rought  fruitlessly  to  bear  upon  him  to  make 
him  yield  his  belief.  At  last,  to  relieve  his 
father  of  a  most  equivocal  position,  and  with 
the  approval  of  King  Charles,  he  came  to 
Boston  in  1G35.  The  arrival  of  the  son  of 
the  most  powerful  noble  in  the  English  Court 
was  a  matter  of  vast  rejoicing  to  the  colonists; 
and  though  he  was  but  twenty-four  years  of 

205 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

age,  he  was  soon  elected  Governor.  But  his 
administration  was  brief,  stormy,  and  per- 
plexing. His  trials  began  in  attempting  to 
adjust  the  question  of  flying  the  King's  colors 
at  the  fort.  The  cross  on  the  ensign  was 
held  by  the  Puritans  to  be  idolatrous,  had 
been  cut  out  of  the  flag  by  stern  Endicott,  and, 
in  fact,  there  were  no  royal  flags  to  be  found 
in  Massachusetts  at  that  time.  The  captains 
of  English  vessels  in  port  offered  to  give  one 
to  the  government.  The  Court  ordered  the 
flag  to  be  displayed  on  the  fort,  but  the  minis- 
ters decided  that  the  magistrates  had  erred  in 
thus  ordering ;  and  at  last  the  flag  was  floated 
on  the  personal  responsibility  of  Governor 
Vane  and  the  Deputy-Governor,  Mr.  Dudley. 
Sir  Harry  Vane's  stand  in  the  Antinomian 
controversy  led  to  vast  dissensions  in  the 
government,  and,  perhaps  fortunately,  he  re- 
turned to  England  in  1637.  His  interest  in 
the  colony  continued  through  his  life.  He 
obtained  the  deed  of  Rhode  Island  and  the 
first  charter  of  that  colony.  His  career  as  a 
statesman  was  most  remarkable,  and  his 
glorious  life  was  ended  by  being  beheaded  as 
a  traitor,  a  Regicide.  He  was  ever  a  warm 
friend  to  New  England;  and  Winthrop,  with 
whom  he  had  differed  mightily  while  they 
both  were  trying  to  adjust  political  and  reli- 

206 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

gious  matters  in  Boston,  did  not  fail  to  give 
him  his  just  dues  and  meed  of  praise. 

With  another  Regicide,  Hugh  Peter,  Marga- 
ret Winthrop  was  intimately  acquainted.  He 
was  step-father  of  the  wife  of  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.  He  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  energy, 
which  showed  in  the  spirit  of  commercial 
enterprise  which  he  fostered  in  his  Salem 
home,  encouraging  the  building  of  ships,  the 
establishment  of  fishing-companies,  etc.  He 
was  a  brilliant  creature,  emotional,  eloquent, 
but  with  the  eloquence  of  temporary  excite- 
ment, not  of  powerful  reason  and  deep  feeling. 
He  was  subject,  like  many  men  of  his  tempera- 
ment, to  fits  of  "hypocondrical  melancholy," 
and  equally  subject  to  passionate  impulses  of 
bi-avery  as  well  as  of  affection.  After  five 
years'  preaching  in  the  Salem  Church,  he 
returned  to  England,  and  became  Chaplain  to 
Cromwell,  at  whoso  funeral  he  was  honored 
by  walking  beside  Milton.  His  life  was 
ended  at  the  Restoration,  in  one  of  the  most 
shocking  and  bloody  scenes  ever  seen  on  an 
English  scaffold.  Widely  varying  estimates 
have  been  made  of  bis  character.  For  myself 
I  incline  to  Palfrey's  rather  than  Lowell's; 
and  I  am  sure,  whatever  else  he  was,  that  he 
was  a  genial,  cordial  companion,  and  that  he 
and  his   wife   were   on    intimate   terms  with 

207 


MARGARET  WINTUROP 

the  Boston  Winthrops,  as  sundry  sentences  in 
Lucy  Downing's  letters  show. 

Roger  Williams  was  another  extraordinary 
man  whom  Margaret  Winthrop  knew  and 
loved,  as  did  her  husband.  A  gentle,  affec- 
tionate, tormenting  creature,  "conscientiously 
contentious,"  he  was  cheerfully  belligerent, 
and  never  shared  the  wrath  he  provoked.  He 
never  was  angry  with  persons,  though  some- 
times with  things;  but  wherever  he  went  he 
stirred  up  strife,  and  still  he  was  everywhere 
beloved.  It  might  be  said  of  him,  as  of  the 
Puritan  John  Lilburn,  he  would  have  fought 
and  differed  with  himself  if  he  could  find  no 
■  one  else,  would  have  divided  himself  in  two 
and  let  the  Roger  fight  with  the  Williams. 
Yet  he  was  a  magnanimous,  benevolent,  con- 
sistent Christian,  whose  goodness  Winthrop 
knew  and  honored.  He  is  often  spoken  of  as 
a  victim  of  religious  liberty.  He  was  a  victim 
of  his  meddlesome  attempt  at  interference 
with  the  charter;  and  it  is  an  indication  of 
Winthrop's  true  affection  that  he  let  any  one 
■who  meddled  with  that  beloved  charter  escape 
the  colony  unpunished.  He  sent  advice  to 
Williams  when  the  latter  fled  on  his  way  to 
Rhode  Island,  and  during  their  lives  their 
friendship  never  ceased  ;  and  in  the  pursuance 
of  this  friendship  to  Winthrop  and  Massachu- 

208 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

setts,  Roger  Williams  was  equally  generous 
and  always  self  sacrificing,  even  risking  his 
life  in  mediating  with  the  Indians.  The 
intimacy  between  Roger  Williams  and  his 
wife  and  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  and  his  wife 
EIizal)eth,  was  renewed  by  frequent  meetings; 
and  the  betrayal  of  his  affection  for  them  in 
his  letters  is  tender  and  beautiful  to  read. 

The  grotesque  is  seldom  absent  from  history, 
and  Margaret  Winthrop  saw  some  amusing 
characters  in  Boston  to  break  the  dead-level 
of  gravity,  though  I  suspect  they  were  too 
tormenting  to  seem  to  her  amusing.  One,  a 
"roguish  valiant,"  fit  for  Shakespeare's  come- 
dies, was  Cai)tain  John  Underbill, —  libertine, 
buffoon,  and  brave  soldier,  —  a  sort  of  com- 
pound of  Friar  Tuck  and  Ancient  Pistol. 

He  had  fought  under  the  Prince  of  Orange 
in  the  War  of  the  Netherlands,  and  I  am 
afraid  he  had  not  found  it  a  very  good  school 
of  virtue.  He  was  drill-master  for  the  Massa- 
chusetts Army,  and  he  did  some  very  good 
fighting  for  the  colony  against  the  Pcquot 
Indians;  for  that  let  us  render  him  grateful 
thanks.  But  on  the  lists  of  love  his  record  is 
not  so  honorable.  Think  what  a  scene  this 
was  for  Margaret  Winthrop  to  witness  in  the 
little  Boston  meeting-house.  I  give  her  hus- 
band's graphic  account  of  the  affair:  — 

14  209 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

"  Captain  Underhill  being  brought  by  the  bless- 
ing of  God  in  this  church's  censure  of  excom- 
munication, to  remorse  for  his  foul  sins,  obtained, 
by  means  of  the  elders  and  others  of  the  church  of 
Boston,  a  safe  conduct  under  the  hand  of  the 
governour  and  one  of  the  council  to  repair  to  the 
church.  He  came  at  the  time  of  the  court  of 
Assistants,  and  upon  the  lecture-day,  after  sermon 
the  pastor  called  him  forth  and  declared  the  occa- 
sion and  then  gave  him  leave  to  speak;  and  indeed 
it  was  a  spectacle  which  caused  many  weeping 
eyes,  though  it  afforded  matter  of  much  rejoicing 
to  behold  the  power  of  the  Lord  Jesus  in  his 
ordinances,  when  they  are  dispensed  in  his  owii 
way,  holding  forth  the  authority  of  the  regal 
sceptre  in  the  simplicit}'^  of  the  gospel.  He  came 
in  his  worst  clothes  (being  accustomed  to  take 
great  pride  i]i  his  bravery  and  neatness)  without  a 
band,  in  a  foul  linen  cap  pulled  close  to  his  eyes; 
and  standing  upon  a  form,  he  did,  with  many 
sighs  and  abundance  of  tears,  lay  open  his  wicked 
course,  his  adultery,  his  hypocrisy,  his  persecution 
of  Gods  people  here,  and  especially  his  pride  (as 
the  root  of  all  which  caused  God  to  give  him  over 
to  his  other  sinful  courses)  and  contempt  of  the 
magistrates.  .  .  .  He  spake  well  save  that  his 
blubbering  interrupted  him,  and  all  along  he  dis- 
covered a  broken  and  melting  heart  and  gave  good 
exhortations  to  take  heed  of  such  vanities  and 
beginnings  of  evil  as  had  consumed  his  fall,  and 
in  the  end  he  earnestl}^  and  humbly  besought  the 
church  to  have  compassion  of  him  and  to  deliver 
him  out  of  the  hands  of  Satan." 
210 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

Strange  it  is  to  gather  from  this  account 
that  "Winthrop  half  believed  in  the  genuine- 
ness of  this  theatrical  exhibition  of  repent- 
ance, really  trusted  in  this  vain  gallant's 
reformation.  Stranger  still,  since  this  was 
the  third  time  the  Captain  had  been  through 
the  same  exhibition  of  repentance,  the  second 
time  kneeling  down  before  an  injured  husband, 
in  the  presence  of  the  elders,  and  asking  for- 
giveness for  sore  wrong-doing.  Truly  these 
were  strange  sights  for  gentle  and  refined 
English  ladies  to  witness,  and  strange  words 
for  them  to  hear;  but  it  did  not  jar  so  loudly 
on  a  generation  that  both  in  England  and 
America  frequently  witnessed  public  punish- 
ment by  whipping,  pillory,  or  the  cage;  or 
even  attended,  without  thought  of  being 
enough  shocked  to  forego  the  excitement,  a 
public  hanging  on  the  scaffold. 

Adventurers  ever  flock  to  newly  discovered 
and  unknown  shores.  Boston  had  her  share 
of  visitors  of  that  ilk.  Faring  gayly  up  and 
down  the  world,  there  came  to  that  little 
town  in  1636  one  Captain  Cromwell,  a  jolly, 
generous  vagabond,  and  he  was  well  treated 
during  his  stay  by  "one  of  the  poorer  sort." 
He  sailed  away,  and  after  ten  years  of  free- 
booting  on  the  high  seas  the  gay  gailliard 
came    again    into    Boston    port,    with    three 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

cedar  ships  rich  with  Spanish  prizes,  and  he 
promptly  went  to  the  humble  home  —  "a  poor 
thatched  house  "  —  of  the  poor  man  who  had 
erstwhile  befriended  him  in  the  days  of  his 
poverty.  He  "  spent  liberally  and  gave  freely. " 
Bradford  says :  "  He  scattered  a  great  deale  of 
money  and  more  sine  I  feare  than  money." 
He  had  great  store  of  plate  and  jewels,  and  he 
gave  Governor  Winthrop  a  fair  sedan  chair 
worth  X50,  which  had  been  sent  by  the  Viceroy 
of  Mexico  to  his  sister ;  and  Winthrop  turned 
it  to  good  advantage  later  in  his  diplomacy 
with  the  Governor  of  Acadia.  Cromwell  liked 
Boston  so  well  that  he  announced  it  his  choice 
as  an  abiding-place ;  but  the  restless  Captain 
was  soon  off  again  privateering  or  pirating, 
whichever  you  choose  to  call  it,  and  was 
absent  three  years.  Bradford  says  "  he  tooke 
sundry  prises,  and  returned  rich  unto  the 
Massachusetts,  and  ther  dyed  the  same  somer, 
having  gott  a  fall  from  his  horse  in  which  fall 
he  fell  on  his  rapier  hilts,  and  so  bruised  his 
body  as  he  shortly  after  dyed. "  It  is  one  of 
the  curious  inconsistencies  of  that  age,  the 
freedom  allowed  a  sailor  both  on  sea  and  on 
land.  A  privateersman,  in  full  career  of  his 
reckless  life,  was  neither  disreputable  to  deal 
with  in  a  business  way,  nor  to  associate  with 
in  social  life. 

212 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

Margaret  Wirithrop  saw  also  in  Boston  that 
arch-fanatic,  Samuel  Gorton,  a  clothier  from 
London,  who  was  said  to  represent  "the  very 
dregs  of  Familism. "  As  this  description 
means  little  to  us  to-day,  I  will  briefly  explain 
that  Familism  was  the  religious  doctrine  of 
the  powerful  sect  called  the  Family  of  Love, 
founded  in  the  sixteenth  century  in  England 
and  Holland  by  one  Hans  Nicholas,  who  was 
called  the  Prophet  of  Love,  while  Moses  was 
the  Prophet  of  Hope,  and  Christ  the  Prophet 
of  Faith.  The  sect  was  prohibited  by  Queen 
Elizabeth  in  1580,  but  had  fanatical  followers 
for  a  century  later.  Those  who  wish  to  know 
exactly  what  Samuel  Gorton  believed  may 
read  his  Simplicities  Defence  against  Seven- 
Headed  Policy,  An  Incorruptible  Key  com- 
posed of  the  CX  Psalm,  etc.,  and  other  in- 
terminable expositions  of  his  faith  and  fancy; 
and  perhaps  may  understand  him,  though 
I  may  say  frankly  that  I  could  not  what  por- 
tions I  read.  To  quote  Carlyle  :  "  By  human 
volition  his  writings  can  be  read,  but  not  by 
human  memory  remembered. "  And  yet  these 
and  similar  wanderings  were  listened  to  by 
our  sainted  ancestors  as  to  indisi)utable  mes- 
sages from  Heaven  itself.  Gorton  came  to 
JJoston  in  l()-3() ;  then  went  to  Plymouth, 
whence    he    was    cxpollcd;    then    to    Rhode 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

Island,  where  he  was  whipped  for  calling  the 
magistrates  Just-asscs;  then  finally  he  settled 
down  upon  poor  Roger  Williams  and  his  com- 
munity. But  he  had  a  civic  controversy  with 
the  Massachusetts  authorities  with  regard  to 
some  lands,  and  with  eight  of  his  friends  and 
followers  was  seized  and  brought  to  Boston. 
The  nine  captives  were  brought  to  the  Gover- 
nor's house  in  military  order,  the  soldiers  in 
two  files,  while  every  sixth  soldier  held  a  pris- 
oner. And  the  commissioners  went  within  the 
Governor's  door  and  saluted  him,  and  he  went 
forth  and  down  the  files  of  soldiers  with  great 
rejoicing,  welcoming  them  home,  and  blessing 
God  for  their  preservation,  and  thanking  them 
for  their  good  work  and  good  courage,  and 
asking  a  list  of  their  names  for  record.  And 
then  the  prisoners  were  brought  into  the  Gov- 
ernor's hall,  where  there  was  a  great  assem- 
bly, and  the  Governor  lectured  them  roundly 
as  a  prelude  to  a  trial. 

No  lack  of  excitement  in  all  this  to  Margaret 
Winthrop,  and  within  her  very  doors.  And 
the  following  Sunday  the  prisoners  "would 
not  come  to  meeting,  so  the  magistrates  deter- 
mined they  should  be  compelled."  This  was 
according  to  the  perverse  and  futile  custom  of 
our  fathers,  of  trying  to  force  the  orthodox 
religion  on  every  one  who  chanced  to  be  in 

214 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

Boston.  It  came,  I  suspect,  partly  through 
the  trusting  confidence  in  the  power  of  the 
Puritan  ministers  to  convert  every  one.  The 
prisoners  finally  came,  and  Gorton  got  up 
after  the  sermon  and  talked  back  to  the  min- 
ister in  a  startling  way,  if  Bostonians  in  that 
day  could  be  startled  at  anything  in  meeting. 
And  then  the  prisoners  were  tried,  and  the 
record  of  the  trial  and  its  legal  aspect  is 
curious  to  read.  At  last  they  were  sentenced 
to  be  dispersed  into  several  towns,  and  set  to 
work  for  their  living,  each  with  irons  on  one 
leg,  and  not  to  maintain  any  of  their  blas- 
phemous errors  upon  pain  of  death.  But  at 
the  next  court  the  sentence  was  judiciously 
changed:  they  were  banished,  for  men  of  that 
make  could  never  be  kept  silent;  and  it  was 
found  that  they  did  corrupt  some  of  the  people 
by  their  heresies,  "especially  the  women,"  — 
and  there  was  no  room  in  Boston  for  more  proph- 
ets of  Anne  Hutchinson's  stamp.  It  seemed 
rather  unreasonable  to  pronounce  banishment 
on  them,  instead  of  permitting  them  to  depart 
in  peace,  since  they  had  been  haled  there  by 
force,  and  had  never  shown  inclination  to 
stay  in  any  other  condition  than  banished. 
In  addition,  the  government  sent  out  and 
seized  enough  of  the  prisoners'  cattle  to  pay 
to  soldiers,  court,  and  prison  the  expense  of 

215 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

it  all,  which  seems  a  somewhat  arbitrary 
action  towards  persons  who  claimed  that  they 
were  out  of  Winthrop's  jurisdiction.  But, 
after  all  that,  Gorton  tormented  Winthrop  no 
more  in  person. 

jjife  in  the  first  settlements  was  most 
picturesque,  far  more  so  than  it  proved  to  the 
next  generation.  The  jostling  of  civilization 
with  a  new  race,  with  barbarism,  but  with  a 
barbarism  which  to  Margaret  Winthrop  in  her 
home  and  day  never  showed  its  savagery  close 
at  hand,  could  not  have  been  very  terrifying 
nor  even  obnoxious. 

The  daily  life  of  Boston  dames  was  varied 
in  a  strange,  outlandish  fashion  by  the  sight 
of  the  "tawuies"  brought  to  trial,  ofttimes 
for  petty  offences  such  as  drunkenness;  and 
in  the  court  they  bore  themselves  with  na- 
tive dignity,  and,  as  Spenser  said  of  the 
Irish,  "were  soe  cautelous  and  wylie-headed 
beinge  of  soe  small  experience  and  practize 
in  lawe  matters,  that  you  would  wonder 
whence  they  borrowe  such  subtilytyes  and 
slye  shiftes." 

And  the  dusky  warriors  came  also  as 
visitors,  radiant  in  barbaric  paint  and  skins 
and  feathers.  We  get  a  glimpse  of  domestic 
life  and  rather  shiftless  housekeeping  in  the 
account  of  one  such  visit,  — that  the  Indians 

216 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

slept  on  the  kitchen  floor  round  the  fire,  and 
that  the  next  day  the  chickens  and  hens, 
coming  in  to  take  their  wonted  feed  of  corn 
and  crumbs  under  the  kitchen  table,  speed- 
ily went  out  in  the  yard  and  died;  and  of 
course  it  was  at  once  determined  that  the  In- 
dians had  bewitched  or  poisoned  the  poul- 
try. In  truth,  they  had  killed  them,  though 
unwittingly ;  for  the  greedy  fowl  had  de- 
voured so  much  deer's-hair  that  had  fallen 
from  the  warriors'  garments,  that  they  had 
died  thereof. 

The  sachems  IMiantonomuh,  Uncas,  and 
others  came  with  their  squaws.  The  Governor 
wrote  at  some  length  of  one  such  visit  to 
his  house,  shortly  before  Margaret  Winthrop 
arrived  in  Boston  :  — 

*' Chickatabot  came  with  his  sannops  and  squaws 
and  presented  tlie  governour  with  a  hogsliead  of 
Indian  corn.  After  they  had  all  dined,  and  liad 
each  a  small  cup  of  sack  and  beer,  and  the  men 
tobacco,  he  sent  away  all  his  men  and  women 
though  the  governour  would  have  stayed  them  in 
regard  of  the  rain  and  thunder.  Himself  and  one 
squaw  and  one  sannop  stayed  all  night,  and  being 
in  English  clothes  the  governour  set  him  at  his 
own  talile,  where  he  behaved  himself  as  soberly  as 
an  Englishman.  The  next  day  after  dinner  he 
returned  home,  the  governour  giving  him  cheese 
and  i)eas  and  a  mug  and  some  other  small  things.'* 
217 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

Can  you  not  see  the  swarthy,  saturnine, 
composed  face  of  Chickatabot,  behaving  him- 
self with  native  dignity  at  the  dining-table, 
"  like  an  Englishman,"  —  and  this  was  scarcely 
ten  years  after  the  landing  of  the  Mayflower, 
—  and  dressed  in  English  clothes,  so  quickly 
beloved  and  eagerly  coveted  by  the  red  man. 
One  of  the  most  amusing  letters  in  the 
Winthrop  papers  is  a  serious  account  written 
by  Fitz-John  Winthrop,  of  the  damage  to  the 
estate  of  the  Indian  sagamore  "Danyell  of  the 
Royal  Indian  Blood."  This  prince's  home 
and  possessions  had  been  destroyed  by  fire; 
and  it  is  comic  to  read,  — 

"  That  which  takes  depest  melancholy  upon  him, 
is  ye  loss  of  an  excellent  Masathuset  cloth  cloke 
and  hatt  which  was  only  seen  upon  holy  days  and 
their  generall  sessions.  His  jouruy  at  this  t^yme 
is  only  to  intreat  yo'  favour  and  ye  gentlemen  there 
for  a  kinde  reliefe  in  his  necessety,  having  noe 
kind  of  a  garment  but  a  short  jerkin  which 
was  charitably  given  him  by  one  of  his  common 
Councill-men.  He  principally  aymes  at  a  cloak 
and  hat." 

Let  us  hope  the  aimed-at  cloak  and  hat 
were  soon  forthcoming  to  this  melancholy 
prince,  and  that  he  was  able  to  strut  around 
proudly  and  with  royal  dignity  before  his 
squaws  and  braves,  barelegged  but  happy. 

218 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IX  BOSTON 

The  red  man's  notion  of  his  own  importance 
is  thus  ridiculed,  in  spirited  derision,  by  a 
traveller  in  New  England :  — 

*'  A  sagamore  with  a  Humberd  in  his  eare  for  a 
pendant,  a  black  hawk  in  his  occiput  for  a  plump, 
jMowhackers  for  liis  gold  chaine,  great  store  of 
wamporapeage  begirting  his  loynes,  his  bow  in  his 
hand,  his  quiver  at  his  back,  with  six  naked 
Indian  spatterlashes  at  his  heels  for  his  guard  will 
not  stick  to  say  he  is  all  one  with  King  Charles." 

The  squaw  of  Chickatabot  was  not  dressed 
in  En<rlish  clothes.  Josselyn  has  given  a  very 
graphic  account  of  the  "female  Indian,  tricked 
up  in  all  her  bravery,"  which  we  may  be  sure 
she  always  wore  when  she  visited  the  white 
man's  wigwam :  — 

**The  women,  many  of  them,  have  very  good 
features ;  seldom  without  a  come-to-nie  or  ros  amoris 
in  their  countenance;  all  of  them  black-eyed,  hav- 
ing even  sliort  teeth,  and  very  white;  their  hair 
black,  thick  and  long;  broad-breasted;  handsome 
streight  bodies,  and  slender,  considering  their 
constant  loose  habit;  their  limbs  cleanly  straight 
and  of  a  convenient  stature  —  generally  as  plump 
as  a  partridge,  and  saving  liere  and  there  one,  of  a 
modest  deportment. 

''Their  garments  are  a  i)air  of  sleeves,  of  deer  or 
moose  skin  drost,  and  drawn  with  lines  of  several 
colours  into  Asiatick  works,  with  buskins  of  the 
219 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

same;  a  short  mantle  of  trading-cloth,  eitlifi-  hlfw 
or  red,  fastened  with  a  knot  under  the  chin,  and 
girt  ahout  the  middle  with  a  zone  wrought  with 
white  and  blew  beads  into  pretty  works.  Of  these 
beads  they  have  bracelets  for  their  necks  and  arms 
and  links  to  hang  in  their  ears ;  and  a  fair  table 
curiously  made  up  with  beads  likewise,  to  wear 
before  their  breast.  Their  hair  they  combe  back- 
ward, and  tye  it  up  short  with  a  border,  about  two 
handfulls  broade  wrought  in  workes  as  the  other 
with  their  beads." 

I  presume  the  Indian  servants  that  worked 
in  Boston  households  speedily  abandoned 
this  picturesque  forest  attire  "wrought  with 
pleasant  wild  workes,"  and  adopted  the  ham- 
pering garb  of  civilization. 


220 


VIII 

WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

It  is  impossible  for  any  individual  to  livo 
in  a  community  and  have  any  social  or  inti- 
mate relations  with  other  members  of  that 
community  without  some  lasting  inlluence 
being  felt  upon  his  or  her  life  through  that 
intimacy.  So  a  correct  knowledge  of  Margaret 
Winthrop's  life  cannot  be  obtained  without 
due  knowledge  of  her  kinsfolk,  her  friends, 
and  what  would  in  old  times  be  called  her 
gossips,  her  woman-neighbors. 

There  is  one  woman,  her  sister-in-law,  Lucy 
Downing,  the  wife  of  Emanuel  Downing,  and 
sister  of  Governor  Winthrop,  who  presents  to 
us  through  the  medium  of  her  letters  pul)- 
lished  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  a  distinct  individuality. 
She  remained  in  England  about  eight  years 
after  Governor  Winthrop's  departure,  and  her 
letters  written  during  that  period  afTord  in 
unstudied  phrase  some  striking  suggestions  of 

221 


MARGARET    WINTUROP 

the  social  condition  of  England  at  that  time. 
Others  were  written  from  her  New  England 
home  in  Salem;  and  her  later  letters,  also  of 
deep  interest,  were  written  in  Scotland  or 
England,  whither  she  and  her  husband  returned 
to  die.  Her  husband  was  a  lawyer  of  the 
Inner  Temple,  London,  presumably  a  Suffolk 
man,  a  good  friend  to  New  England  in  time  of 
need,  and  a  shrewd,  sharp  business  man.  He 
was  married  to  Lucy  Winthrop  (his  second 
wife)  on  April  10,  1622.  Neither  he  nor  she 
was,  apparently,  of  the  highest,  most  exalted 
type  of  Puritans,  either  in  faith  or  works. 
Their  oldest  son,  George  Downing,  born  in 
162-1,  is  notoriously  familiar  to  us  in  English 
history,  in  letters  and  diaries;  for  instance, 
through  the  pages  of  Pepys'  Diary,  wherein 
the  diarist  calls  him  "a  perfidious  rogue," 
a  "most  ungrateful  villain,"  etc.  Wood's 
Athenae  Oxoniensis  calls  him  "a  sider  with 
all  times  and  changes,  well  skilled  in  the 
common  court,  and  a  preacher  sometimes  to 
boot."  Governor  Hutchinson  says  of  him  that 
one  time  his  name  passed  as  a  proverb  in 
New  England,  that  every  false  betrayer  was 
said  to  be  an  "arrant  George  Downing."  He 
was  on  the  side  of  Parliament  against  Charles 
I.,  and  held  office  under  Cromwell;  was  sent 
as  Ambassador  to  the  States-General,  and  was 

222 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

also  a  soldier  in  Scotland,  etc.  He  became 
later  a  traitor  to  his  friends;  and  knighted 
Sir  George,  he  was  again  Ambassador  under 
Charles  11. ,  was  a  member  of  Parliament,  and 
was  an  important  factor  in  the  bringing  of 
New  Netherlands  under  English  dominion. 
He  was  also  Secretary  of  Treasury  and  Com- 
missioner of  Customs.  His  parentage  had 
been  for  many  years  vaguely  known  and 
wrongly  published  in  English  books,  such 
as  Pepys'  Diary;  but  his  mother's  letters 
establish  his  family,  for  in  them  we  have 
frequent  allusions  not  only  to  his  early  life, 
but  to  his  later  career  of  brilliant  and  hated 
success. 

Carlyle  says,  — 

<*  There  are  various  traceable  small  threads  of 
relation,  interesting  reciprocities  and  mutabilities 
connecting  the  poor  young  Infant  New  England 
with  its  old  Puritan  mother  and  her  affairs  in 
those  years,  which  ought  to  be  disentangle<l,  to 
be  made  conspicuous  and  beautiful  by  the  Infant 
herself  now  she  has  grown  big." 

One  of  these  traceable  threads  of  relation 
which  always  is  of  romantic  interest  to  me  is 
to  mark  the  various  close  connections  of  New 
England  and  Old  England  with  regard  to  that 
thrilling  episode  in  English  history, — the 
public  career  of  the  Regicides.     Having  noted 

223 


MARGARET  WINTUROP 

that  Sir  Henry  Mildmay  and  John  Gnrdon 
were  Regicide  judges,  the  tie  is  made  closer 
still  by  the  long  stay  in  Massachusetts  of  Sir 
Harry  Yane  and  Hugh  Peter;  by  the  marriage 
to  Leonard  Hoar,  President  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, of  the  daughter  of  John  Lisle  the  Regi- 
cide, and  of  his  wife  Lady  Alice  Lisle,  who  was 
also  executed  for  harboring  a  minister  accused 
of  treason.  It  was  cemented  by  the  residence 
for  many  years,  and  death  in  New  England,  of 
the  three  Regicides,  —  Whalley  (the  cousin  of 
Cromwell  and  Hampden),  Colonel  Goffe,  and 
Colonel  Dixwell ;  and  finally  it  may  still 
further  and  most  ignobly  be  noted  by  the 
seizing  at  Delft  by  Sir  George  Downing,  and 
delivery  to  England  and  the  scaffold,  of  three 
Regicides  named  Barkstead,  Olney,  and  Miles 
Corbet,  one  of  whom  had  been  chaplain  in 
Downing's  own  regiment. 

Lucy  Downing  was  never  eager  for  the  new 
world.  We  find  her  writing  to  Margaret 
Winthrop  in  1(336,  in  much  doubt  about  emi- 
gration, and  displaying  some  of  the  cautious 
foresight  which  distinguished  her  famous  son : 

*'I  hartylie  thank  you  for  all  the  expressions 
of  your  love  and  desires  of  our  company.  I  know 
not  yet  how  it  will  please  God  to  dispose  of  us. 
Wee  are  in  many  distractions,  my  present  condi- 
tion is  vnfit  for  changes;  and  both  this  plauge 
224 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

and  plauges    ap roach  and  iacreas    and    may    well 
affright." 

Later,  to  Governor  "Winthrop,  she  sent  this 
astute  though  deeply  affectionate  letter:  — 

"For  sucli  of  His  as  He  pleasetli  to  call  to  other 
places,  the  faintest  hearted  shall  find  courage  for 
the  work,  and  her  loathness  shall  not  hinder  it; 
but  I  must  then  deale  plainlie  with  you,  and  let 
you  know  that  many  good  people  hear,  and  some 
that  vnderstand  new  Engl,  resonable  well,  both 
by  sight  and  relations  of  friends,  that  are  able  to 
jugd,  they  doe  much  feare  the  country  cannot 
afford  subsistence  for  many  people,  and  that  if  you 
were  not  supplyed  of  incomes  from  hence  your 
lives  would  be  very  misserable;  and  I  must  con- 
fess my  observation  cannot  confute  there  opinions 
in  this,  for  I  hear  not  of  any  commodities  from 
tlience  yet,  as  can  furnish  your  nessesities  much 
less  inrich  you.  But  my  dear  brother,  I  fear  all 
I  have  hitherto  written  will  but  coufirme  your 
opinion  of  my  loathness  for  New  En.  but  let  it  not 
doe  so,  for  wear  there  no  other  thing  to  induce  me 
thither  but  your  single  selfe  I  could  not  want  a 
heart  thither.  And  as  far  as  I  can  understand 
myselfe  could  I  divide  my  life  and  that  it  were  a 
thing  approved  by  God,  I  could  willinglie  spare  a 
good  sliare  of  my  life  to  enjoy  your  sosietie  tlie 
rest  of  it,  althoughe  it  were  in  a  condition  some- 
what inferior  to  what  I  now  have;  yet  from  ex- 
tremities good  Lord  deliver  me!  for  I  have  litell 
couiideuce  of  my  self  in  such  cases;  but  if  wee  see 
15  225 


MARGARET    WINTHROP 

God  withdrawinge  His  ordinances  from  vs  here, 
and  inlarging  His  presence  to  us  there  I  should 
then  hope  for  comfort  on  tlie  hazards  of  the  sea 
with  our  little  ones  shriking  about  vs;  and  that 
Daniels  pulls  should  be  better  to  vs  with  a  Christ 
than  all  worlds  of  plesure  without  Him;  and  in 
such  a  case  I  should  williuglie  rather  venter  my 
childrins  bodyes,  and  my  owne  for  them,  than 
their  soulses;  but  otherwise  I  cannot  see  but  it 
were  an  effect  of  diffidence  rather  than  of  fayth,  to 
leap  callings,  estates,  and  conveniences,  and  all  till 
wee  are  forced  from  them  by  some  compulsion. 
But  now  you  may  saye  I  take  too  much  upon  me, 
I  am  but  a  wife  and  therefore  it  is  sufficient  for 
me  to  follow  my  husband;  for  that  let  me  answer 
you,  that  what  I  say  to  you  by  way  of  caveat  I 
have  objected  to  him;  that  I  will  not  deny,  for  I 
thought  it  my  duty;  but  that  I  was  ever  peremp- 
tory'- against  his  going,  or  that  I  ever  knew  the 
time  that  he  might  have  composed  his  ocasions  fit 
for  such  a  change  with  promise  of  comfort  to  him- 
selfe  or  famylie  or  satisfaction  to  Christian  frinds, 
if  vcij  will  had  not  been  his  hindrance,  this  I 
vtterly  deny  whoever  affirms  it,  and  therefore  I 
desire  you  to  excuse  and  to  credit  me  so  far;  and 
althoughe  of  myself  I  durst  not,  if  I  were  in  his 
case,  alter  my  condition  but  upon  these  terms,  yet 
if  he  likes  to  go  upon  other  grounds  if  God  give 
me  life  and  abillities  I  shall  endevor  to  be  with 
you  as  soon  as  I  may;  for  I  should  promise  myself 
much  fellicitie  in  such  a  sosietie;  and  the  satisfac- 
tion of  leaving  my  chilldren  vnder  such  meanes  for 
226 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

their  soules  and  so  litell  bad  oxamjdes  as  I  hope 
will  be  there  j^et  were  a  great  abatement  to  my 
now  cares." 

I  think  this  as  logical  and  far-sighted  a 
letter  as  any  I  have  ever  seen  written  by  any 
woman  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

Her  early  letters  show  her  most  earnest  in 
wishing  the  establishment  of  a  college  in  New 
England.  She  wrote  in  1636,  near  the  close 
of  the  year,  thus  to  Governor  Winthrop:  — 

''George  and  his  father  complye  moste  cordyally 
for  new  Eng;  but  poor  boy  1  fear  the  joiirnie  would 
not  be  so  prosperous  for  him  as  I  could  wish,  in 
respect  you  have  yet  noe  sosieties  nor  means  in  that 
kinde  for  the  education  of  youths  in  learning;  and 
I  bless  God  for  it  he  is  yet  reasonable  hopefull  in 
that  way,  and  it  would,  I  think,  as  wee  saie,  greve 
me  in  my  grave  to  know  that  his  mynde  should  be 
withdrawne  from  his  booke  by  other  sports  or  im- 
ployments,  for  that  weer  but  the  waye  to  make  him 
good  att  nothinge.  Its  true  the  colledges  here  are 
much  corrupted,  yet  not  soe  I  hope  but  good  friends 
may  yet  finde  a  fittinge  tutor  for  him;  and  if  it 
may  be  with  any  hopes  of  his  well  doeinge  hear. 
Knowing  your  prevalency  with  my  husband,  and 
the  hazard  the  boy  is  in  by  reson  both  of  his 
fathers  and  his  owne  strong  inclination  to  the 
plantation  sports  I  am  bould  to  present  this  sol- 
licitous  suit  of  myne,  with  all  earnestnes  to  you 
and  my  nephew  Winthrop,  that  you  will  not  con- 
•2i'7 


MARGARET  WINTIIROP 

descend  to  his  goinge  over  till  Le  hatli  either 
attayned  to  perfection  in  the  arts  hear,  or  that 
there  be  sufficient  means  to  perfect  him  therein 
Math  you,  wich  I  would  be  most  glad  to  hear  of; 
it  would  make  me  goe  far  nimbler  to  new  Eng; 
if  God  should  call  me  to  it  than  otherwise  I 
should;  and  I  beleev  a  colledge  would  put  noe 
small  life  into  the  plantation." 

Now  we  can  never  know  how  great  an  influ- 
ence this  earnest,  intelligent,  and  forcible 
request  had  upon  the  Governor  and  the  colony ; 
but  it  is  certainly  a  remarkable  coincidence 
that  on  the  28th  of  October  of  this  same  year 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  agreed  to 
give  four  hundred  pounds  towards  a  "  schoole 
or  colledge, "  and  that  the  next  court  was  to 
appoint  the  place  of  building,  "Xewetowne  " 
was  chosen ;  and  in  1638  its  name  was  changed 
to  Cambridge,  in  honor  of  another  college 
town  in  their  old  home.  Soon  after  it  was 
agreed  that  the  college  "shal  bee  called 
Harvard-Colledge. " 

How  much  of  all  this  rapid  endowment 
and  establishment  was  communicated  to  Lucy 
Downing  in  England  we  cannot  know,  nor 
whether  it  made  her  "  goe  far  nimbler  "  to  the 
new  land ;  but  in  November,  1638,  the  Down- 
ing family  arrived  in  New  England.  George 
Downing  promptly  attended   the   new  ''  Col- 

223 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

ledge,"  and  was  second  on  the  list  of  the  first 
class  of  graduates,  in  October,  1642.  He  did 
not  long  remain  in  his  new  home;  his  mother 
writes  of  his  longing  to  travel,  and  finally  he 
went  as  a  preacher  to  the  West  Indies,  then 
became  a  Chaplain  in  England,  and  speedily 
entered  upon  the  career  already  told. 

Lucy  Downing  and  her  husband  did  not 
settle  in  Boston,  but  built  a  handsome  house 
in  Salem;  so  after  her  arrival  in  New  Eng- 
land there  was  a  constant  exchange  between 
her  and  Margaret  Winthrop,  not  only  of  af- 
fectionate letters,  but  of  kindly  gifts,  the 
nature  of  which  may  be  shown  by  the  fol- 
lowing extracts  from  Madam  Downing's 
letters : — 

"I  hope  some  piggiiis  are  come  to  your  bands 
and  more  had  bin  sejit  if  I  had  a  larger  thinge 
to  put  them  in,  but  if  you  please  to  return  the 
cage  it  shall  be  filld  agayne." 

*  *  I  thank  you  I  received  your  great  dayntyes  of 
Tosewater  and  aples.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for 
tliem;  I  wish  I  could  as  well  deserv  them." 

'*  By  Mrs  Postor  I  beged  garlick  and  sage  and  to 
borrow  a  gander.  I  have  3  gooses  and  not  a  hus- 
band for  them,  which  lost  me  at  least  40  egs  last 
year." 

"Your  lemmons  were  allmost  as  rare  as  drops  of 
life.  1  am  all  the  more  sensible  of  your  deprive- 
lueut  of  them." 

229 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Occasionally  a  ship  landed  at  Boston  from 
tropical  lands  bearing  tropical  fruits,  which 
must  indeed  have  been  like  "drops  of  life  "  to 
the  salt-meat-fed  colonists.  Thomas  Mayhew 
wrote  of  one  (the  Rebecka)  in  1636 :  — 

"  Concerning  the  Bermuda  Voyadge,  and  accompt- 
ing  the  potatoes  at  2d,  the  corne  at  2s  per  bushell, 
the  pork  at  10  li  per  hogshead,  orrenges  and  lemons 
at  20s  per  c,  we  shall  gain  twenty  od  pownds." 

It  has  been  surmised  that  these  Bermuda 
potatoes  were  sweet  potatoes,  as  the  latter  had 
been  introduced  into  England  by  Sir  Francis 
Drake  and  Sir  John  Hawkins  in  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  and  had  acquired  con- 
siderable popularity  for  use  in  sweetmeats  and 
confections.  Fifteen  tons  in  all  were  sold 
in  Boston  in  that  year.  And  earlier  still, 
potatoes  were  on  the  list  of  fruits  and  vege- 
tables furnished  in  1628.  But  their  use  for 
every-day  food,  as  we  use  them  to-day,  and 
their  cultivation  in  any  large  amount,  was  not 
until  Revolutionary  times,  though  as  early  as 
1636  I  find  Lion  Gardiner  writing  to  John 
Winthrop  showing  that  the  raising  of  potatoes 
was  certainly  discussed  and  experimented 
upon. 

"I   pray  yon  forgett  vs  not   when  shee   comes 
from  Bermuda  with  some  potatoes  for  heare  hath 
230 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

beene  some  Virginians  that  hath  taught  vs  to 
plant  them  another  way,  and  I  liave  put  it  in 
practise  and  found  it  good." 

These  letters  of  Lucy  Downing's  convey  a 
sense  of  humor,  and  at  times  much  lightness 
of  expression,  as  when  she  writes  she  would 
rather  her  child  should  be  born  an  "Indyan 
than  a  London  Coknye. "  Her  husband  set  up 
a  still  in  Salem,  and  she  writes  thus  of  his 
venture : — 

"Our  stilling  I  thinke  might  be  pritty  strong, 
but  that  all  tlie  rye  was  eaten  vp  allmost  before  the 
Indian  was  gathered.  Could  you  but  teach  us  how 
to  kern  rye  out  of  the  sea-watter,  that  intention  I 
question  not  would  make  the  still  vapor  as  far  as 
Pecpite,  and  the  Indians  I  beleev  would  like  that 
smoake  very  well,  for  the  engli.sh  have  but  two 
objections  against  it.  1  its  too  dear  2  not  enough 
of  it.  Cure  these,  and  we  might  all  have  emplo}'- 
ment  enough  at  Salem,  and  as  it  is  we  could  have 
custome  ten  times  more  tliau  pay." 

To  kern  rye  was  to  quern,  or  grind  it.  The 
quern  was  the  old-time  hand-mill,  in  use  then 
throughout  New  England  as  in  England,  as 
the  frequent  appearance  of  the  word  "cairn," 
"quern,"  or  "kirn,"  in  inventories  of  estates, 
plainly  proves. 

Of  one  trait  of  Lucy  Downing's  character  I 
can  have  no  doubt :  she  was  a  tidy,  industrious, 

231 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

and  capable  housewife.  Her  letters  abound 
in  references  to  domestic  thrift.  She  writes 
of  her  daughters :  — 

"I  fear  Luce  is  not  diligent  which  I  should  take 
very  ill  from  her  and  for  a  presage  of  the  like.  Sloth 
is  a  loathsome  disease  in  young  people  both  in  the 
eyes  of  God  and  man.   .   .  , 

*'If  my  daughter  Nan  could  hut  starch  a  little 
better  I  should  be  very  glad  she  might  supply 
her  place,  but  in  that  respect  I  cannot  desire  it 
at  present." 

An  early  letter  from  Mary  Downing,  the 
step-daughter  of  Lucy,  written  to  the  girl's 
father,  shows  that  sloth  in  that  family  did  not 
arise  through  Madam  Downing's  neglect  to 
instil  good  housewifely  principles  into  her 
family,  in  their  absence  as  well  as  their  pres- 
ence. The  daughter,  who  had  come  to  New 
England  in  1633  with  Governor  Coddington, 
writes,  with  pathetic  meekness,  from  Boston 
in  163.5  to  her  parents,  who  were  still  in 
England,  evidently  in  answer  to  a  rather  sharp 
missive  from  them  :  — 

"  Father,  I  trust  that  I  have  not  provoked  you  to 
harbour  soe  ill  an  opinion  of  mee  as  my  mothers 
l™'  do  signifie  and  give  me  to  understand;  the 
ill  opinion  and  hard  pswasion  which  shee  beares 
of  mee,  that  is  to  say,  that  I  should  abuse  yor 
goodness,  and  bee  prod i  gall  of  yor  purse,  ueglect- 
232 


WOMAN  FRIEXDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

ful  of  my  brothers  bands,  and  of  my  slatterishnes 
and  lasines ;  for  my  brothers  bands  I  will  not 
excuse  myselfe,  but  I  thinke  not  worthy  soe  sharpe 
a  reproofe;  for  the  rest  I  must  needs  excuse,  and 
cleare  myselfe  if  I  may  bee  believed.  I  doe  not 
know  myselfe  guilty  of  any  of  them ;  for  myne 
owne  part  I  doe  not  desire  to  be  myne  owne  judge, 
but  am  willinge  to  bee  judged  by  them  with  whom 
I  live,  and  see  my  course,  whether  I  bee  addicted 
to  such  thinges  or  noe.  For  my  habitt  it  is  meane, 
for  the  most,  as  many  servants,  and  if  I  had  not 
money  w"^"*  1  had  for  some  thinges  here  w*^**  I  was  not 
willinge  to  doe.  I  writt  to  my  mother  for  lace,  not 
out  of  any  prodigall  or  proud  mind,  but  only  for 
some  crosse  cloathes,  which  is  the  most  allowable 
and  commendable  dressinge  here.  Shee  would  have 
mee  weare  dressings,  wch  I  did  soe  longe  as  they 
woulde  suffer  mee,  whilest  the  elders  with  others 
intreated  mee  to  leave  them  off  because  they  gave 
great  offence,  and  seeinge  it  hath  pleased  God  to 
bringe  mee  hither  amongst  His  people  I  wouldo 
not  willingly  doe  anything  amongst  them  that 
shoulde  be  displeasinge  vnto  them. 

But  for  myne  owne  part  since  my  sendinge  for 
thinges  gives  such  offence  I  will  bee  more  s[)aring 
in  that  kinde  hereafter,  but  leave  it  to  the  Lorde  to 
deale  with  mee  accordinge  to  His  mercy,  earnestly 
desireinge  him  to  give  mee  an  hart  to  bee  content 
with  my  portion,  knowinge  that  nothinge  can  befall 
me  but  that  Hoe  hath  appointed.  Dcaro  Father  I 
am  far  distant  from  you  and  know  not  how  longe  it 
will  please  the  Lord  to  continue  it  soe,  but  howso- 
233 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

ever  I  desire  to  rest  satisfied  with  His  will,  and  doe 
earnestly  desire  to  submitt  myselfe  in  all  duty  and 
obedience,  as  belongeth  vnto  a  child,  toj^or  selfe  and 
my  mother  as  if  I  were  with  you.  Father  I  pceive 
by  your  1"^  that  you  would  very  willingly  have  mee 
change  my  condition,  w*^**  I  must  confesse  I  might 
soe  may  with  divers,  if  the  Lord  pleased  to  move 
my  hart  to  accept  any  of  them,  but  I  desire  to  wayte 
vpon  Him  that  can  change  my  hart  at  His  will. 
Thus  with  my  humble  duty  to  yor  selfe  and  my 
mother  craving  prdon  of  you  both,  and  of  her  if  I 
have  given  you  any  offence,  and  soe  desireinge  j^or 
prayers  to  Him  who  is  able  to  give  wisdom e  and  di- 
rection to  mee  in  all  thinges,  I  rest, 

Yor  obedient  daughter  till  death, 

Mary  Dowxinge. 

1  quote  all  of  this  long  letter  (though  it 
does  not  exhibit  Mrs.  Lucy  Downing  in  a  very 
tender  or  lovable  light),  because,  like  many 
another  letter  written  by  an  earnest  woman,  it 
gives  much  insight  into  the  details  of  the  life 
of  the  day. 

We  may  turn  to  the  first  count  against 
Mary  Downing, — that  she  was  accused  of 
being  neglectful  of  her  brother  James's 
bands.  The  band,  a  stiff  collar  of  linen  or 
cambric,  was  such  an  important  and  dignified 
adjunct  of  a  man's  dress  at  that  day  that  it 
was,  of  course,  imperative  to  have  it  well 
laundered.       Carlyle   says   the   Puritan   band 

234 


U'OMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

was  "a  linen  tippet,  properly  the  shirt-collar 
of  those  days,  which,  when  the  hair  was  worn 
long-,  needed  to  fold  itself  with  a  good  expanse 
of  washable  linen  over  the  upper  works  of  the 
coat."  Four  plain  and  three  falling  bands 
for  each  male  emigrant  were  on  the  list  of 
supplies  for  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company. 
They  were  simple  enough ;  for  embroidered 
and  even  broad-collared  bands  were  forbidden 
by  sumptuary  laws  in  New  England,  and  a 
Puritan  was  said  to  be  known  by  his  little 
band.  The  plaint  of  ilary  Downing  for  cross- 
cloths  shows  that  ccpial  sujjervision  was  held 
over  the  wear  of  the  women  settlers.  Her 
wonted  manner  of  hair  "dressing,"  hated  of 
the  Puritan  elders,  of  which  she  writes  with 
such  good  sense  and  dignity,  cannot  be  exactly 
described,  but  was  evidently  "more  worldly" 
than  the  cross-cloth,  which  I  believe  to  have 
been  much  like  the  forehead-cloth,  as  it  was 
worn  with  a  coif.  "Crossecloths  and  quoifs  " 
appear  in  many  early  colonial  inventories,  and 
we  have  Mary  Downing's  word  that  they  were 
then  the  most  "  allowable  and  commendable  " 
headdress  in  New  England. 

In  Mary  Downing's  allusion  to  her  father's 
desire  for  her  to  change  her  condition,  we  find 
significant  proof  of  another  trait  of  the  charac- 
ter of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Downing,  —  their  earnest 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

desire  to  marry  off  their  children;  and  I  have 
no  doubt  the  sharpness  of  Mrs.  Downing's 
reproof  of  her  step-daughter's  "  slatterishness  " 
had  an  added  degree  of  intenseness  because 
the  young  girl  was  so  slow  in  getting  married. 
She  was  married  with  speed,  after  the  arrival 
in  America  of  her  father  and  mother,  to  one 
Anthony  Stoddard,  a  very  good  match. 

As  this  letter  was  found  among  the  papers 
of  Governor  Winthrop,  and  endorsed  in  his 
writing,  we  are  justified  in  suspecting  that  it 
was  deemed  of  enough  importance  to  be  sent 
to  him  by  the  Downings,  to  ask  either  explana- 
tion or  verification  thereof;  thus  it  was  for- 
tunately preserved  for  our  instruction. 

Through  letters  we  learn  of  the  happy  and 
affectionate  relations  which  existed  between 
Margaret  Winthrop  and  her  husband's  daugh- 
ter Mary,  who  was  married  in  Boston,  in  1633, 
to  the  eldest  son  of  Deputy-Governor  Dudley. 
She  lived  in  Cambridge  and  Ipswich,  and 
depended  much  upon  her  "  deare  and  very 
loveing  mother  "  for  many  petty  assistances. 
Her  letters  afford  the  small  touches  of  daily 
life  which  help  to  form  to  us  the  picture  of 
New  England  of  that  day;  and  they  are  inter- 
esting, not  because  of  any  great  historical 
value,  but  from  their  quaintness  and  homeli- 
ness.    Even  the  very  names  of  the  commodi- 

•236 


WOMAX  FRIENDS  AXD  NEIGHBORS 

ties  she  desired  and  received  from  Boston  are 
of  interest,  and  a  few  sentences  may  be  quoted 
in  illustration :  — 

'*I  must  make  bold  to  trouble  you  for  some 
things  I  stand  in  need  of,  intreating  you  to  send 
by  any  convenient  messenger,  5  yards  of  flowered 
holland  for  a  wastcott  and  tape  to  bind  it,  an  ele  of 
fine  holland  and  some  fine  thread. 

"I  pray  you  send  me  some  cloutes,  and  a  paire 
of  sheetes  and  pillow  beeres  as  soon  as  you  can, 
and  I  pray  you  send  me  2  calfes  baggs  for  my 
cheese. 

''I  would  pray  you  to  send  me  a  child's  chair, 
for  I  can  get  none  here,  and  Goodman  Buttons 
boate  shall  call  for  it  a  fortnight  hence. 

"After  my  accustomed  manner  I  make  bold  to 
trouble  you  for  such  things  as  I  want.  I  intreat 
_you  would  be  pleased  to  send  me  3  or  4  yards  of  fine 
buckrom,  and  an  ele  of  fine  holland  for  bigins  for 
my  child  and  some  pinnes,  small  ones  and  otlier 
sort,  and  some  sugar.  I  pray  you  send  me  some 
sope,  I.  can  get  none  in  tliis  towiie,  and  some  fruit. 
I  am  ashamed  to  be  thus  continually  troublesome  to 
you,  but  your  readiness  to  fulfill  my  desires  im- 
boldens  me  thus  to  do.  Dwelling  so  farre  from  ye 
Baye  makes  me  ye  oftener  troublesome  to  you  but 
my  appologie  is  needlesse.  I  humbly  thank  you  for 
those  things  you  sent  me,  and  for  your  vndeserved 
love  continvally  manifested  towards  me  wliicli  can 
never  be  requited  by  me  but  in  loving  you  back 
againe  and  shewing  that  duty  and  respect  I  owe 
you  whenever  occasion  shall  be  offered." 
237 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

Two  letters  of  Mary  Dudley  afford  so  much 
insight  into  the  question  of  domestic  service 
in  those  days  that  I  will  give  them  in  full. 
In  many  letters  the  daughter  asks  her  thought- 
ful mother  to  obtain  for  her  "a  good  lusty 
servant;"  and  on  April  28,  1636,  she  sends 
this  entreaty :  — 

To  my  worthy,   my    deare  mother  Mrs  Winthrop  at  her 
house  in  Boston  these  ]}resent. 

Deare  Mother, —  After  my  bounden  duty,  I 
still  continue  to  be  a  troublesome  suter  to  you,  in  the 
behalfe  of  a  mayd.  I  should  hardly  have  made  so 
bold  to  iterate  my  request,  but  such  is  my  necessity 
tbat  I  am  forced  to  crave  your  help  herein  as  speed- 
ily as  maye  be,  m}'  maj'd  being  to  goe  away  vpon 
May  day  and  I  am  like  to  be  altogether  destitute. 
I  cannot  get  her  to  stay  a  month  longer;  and  I  am 
soe  ill  and  weak  that  I  am  like  to  be  put  to  great 
straits  if  I  cannot  get  one  by  your  meanes.  I  do 
not  doubt  of  your  care  herein,  but  yet  I  make  bold 
to  put  you  in  mind,  lest  j^ou  should  conceive  my 
need  to  be  lesse  than  it  is.  My  husband  is  willing 
to  stand  to  what  you  sliall  think  meet  to  give.  I 
desire  to  have  my  dut}'  and  thankfulnesse  presented 
to  my  father;  for  the  wheat  he  sent  me  by  the  pin- 
ace,  I  have  not  yet  received  it,  but  by  my  letter  I 
perceive  there  is  some  for  me.  I  intreat  you  would 
be  pleased  to  send  those  things  that  I  formerly  writ 
for.  I  am  asbamed  of  my  boldness  in  this  and 
other  requests,  but  the  constant  experience  of  j-our 
love  and  boundty  to  me  makes  me  still  presume  on 
238 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

your  favour.  I  desire  the  ruajd  that  you  provide 
me  may  be  one  that  hath  been  vsed  to  all  kind  of 
work  and  must  refuse  none.  If  she  have  skill  in  the 
dayrie  I  shall  be  the  gladder.  My  children  are 
well  and  my  husband  who  desires  to  have  his  duty 
and  service  presented  to  my  father  and  you.  Thus 
}ntreating  your  acceptance  of  these  scribbled  lines, 
I  humbly  take  my  leave, 

Your  dutifull  daughter, 

Mary  Dudley. 

In  a  later  letter  we  have  the  outcome  of  all 
the  daughter's  directions,  and  the  mother's 
care  in  selection,  — 

To    my    deare  and  very  loving  mother  Mrs  Winlhrop  at 
Boston  these  be  dd. 

Deare  Mother, —  ^ly  humble  dutie  remembered 
to  you.  It  reioyceth  me  to  heare  of  your  recoverie 
out  of  your  dangerous  sickness,  and  should  be  glad 
to  heare  how  your  health  is  continued  to  you  by  a 
letter  from  yourself  for  I  have  not  heard  from  you 
a  long  time  which  troubleth  me,  though  I  have  sent 
three  or  foure  letters  to  you.  I  thought  it  conven- 
ient to  acquaint  you  and  my  father  what  a  great 
affliction  I  have  met  withal  by  my  maide  servant, 
and  how  I  am  like  through  God  his  mercie  to  be 
freed  from  it;  at  her  first  coming  she  carried  her- 
selfe  dutifully  as  became  a  servant;  but  since 
through  mine  and  my  husbands  forbearance  towards 
her  for  small  faults  she  hath  got  such  a  head,  and 
is  growen  soe  insolent  that  her  carriage  towards  vs, 
239 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

especially  myselfe,  is  vnsufferable.  If  I  bid  her  doe 
a  tiling  shee  will  bid  me  to  doe  it  myselfe,  and  she 
saj's  how  she  can  give  content  as  well  as  any  ser- 
vant but  shee  will  not,  and  sayes  if  I  love  not  quiet- 
nes  I  was  never  so  fitted  in  my  life  for  shee  would 
make  me  have  enough  of  it.  If  I  should  write  to 
you  of  all  the  reviling  speeches  and  filthie  language 
shee  hath  vsed  towards  me  I  should  but  grieve  yo\i. 
My  husband  hath  vsed  all  meanes  for  to  reforme  her, 
reasons  and  perswasions  but  shee  doth  professe  that 
her  heart  and  her  nature  will  not  suffer  her  to  con- 
fess her  faults.  If  I  tell  my  husband  of  her  beha- 
vior to  me,  vpon  examination  shee  will  denie  all 
that  she  hath  done  or  spoken ;  so  that  we  know  not 
how  to  proceed  against  her;  but  my  husband  now 
hath  hired  another  maide  and  is  resolved  to  put  her 
away  the  next  weeke.  Thus  with  my  humble  dutie 
to  my  father  I  rest  your  dutifull  and  obedient 
daughter, 

Mart  Dudley. 

No  woman,  even  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
could  read  of  this  astonishing  and  annoying 
version  of  the  servant  question  without  a  sin- 
cere thrill  of  pity  for  poor  Mary  Dudley;  and 
if  this  gentlewoman,  the  daughter  of  men  of 
highest  dignity  and  rank  in  the  Common- 
wealth, could  not  obtain  worthy  servants,  be- 
cause she  chanced  to  live  outside  the  large 
towns,  what  must  have  been  the  fate  of  fami- 
lies of  more  modest  rank? 

240 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

Mary  Dudley's  father-in-law  was  Thomas 
Dudle}',  who  lived  at  Roxbury.  Ilis  wife, 
Dorothy,  was  doubtless  a  friend  of  Margaret 
Winthrop;  and  also  his  daughter,  Anne  Brad- 
stieet,  who  lived  in  Cambridge,  and  was  the 
iirst  New  England  poetess. 

I  don't  know  what  Governor  Winthrop 
thought  of  Anne  Bradstreet  and  her  literary 
accomplishments,  but  I  know  what  he  thought 
of  another  woman-author :  — • 

**The  Governour  of  Hartford  upon  Connecticut 
came  to  Boston  and  brought  his  wife  witli  him  (a 
godly  young  woman  and  of  special  parts)  who  was 
fallen  into  a  sad  inlirmit}',  the  loss  of  her  under- 
standing and  reason  which  had  been  growing  upon 
her  divers  years  by  occasion  of  giving  herself  wliolly 
to  reading  and  writing,  and  had  written  many 
books.  Her  husband  being  very  loving  and  tender 
of  her  was  loath  to  grieve  hir;  but  he  saw  his  error 
wlien  it  was  too  late.  For  if  she  had  attended  to  her 
household  affairs,  and  such  things  as  belong  to 
women,  and  not  gone  out  of  her  way  and  calling  to 
meddle  in  such  things  as  are  proper  for  men  w^hose 
minds  are  stronger,  she  had  kept  her  wits,  and 
niiglit  have  improved  tliem  usefully  and  honorably 
in  the  place  God  had  set  her." 

Among  Margaret  Winthrop's  women  friends 
in  the  new  Avorld  she  had  the  companionship 
of  many  old  Suffolk  and  Essex  neighbors,  — 

IG  241 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

the  wives  of  Puritan  clergymen  and  of  her 
husband's  friends,  his  university  and  county 
fellows.  She  had  the  acquaintance  of  some 
specially  intelligent  and  noble  women,  — 
women  of  courage,  of  piety,  of  steadfast 
nature.  Among  them  she  had  near  her  in 
Roxbury  the  wife  of  John  Eliot's  youth,  who 
"lived  with  him  till  she  became  the  staff  of 
his  old  age."  She  was  a  woman  very  eminent 
for  holiness,  and  she  excelled  most  of  the 
"daughters  that  have  done  vertuously.  Her 
name  was  Anna,  and  gracious  was  her  nature. " 
Her  husband  called  her  his  "dear,  faithful, 
pious,  prudent,  prayerful  wife."  She  "dis- 
played considerable  skill  in  physick  and  chy- 
rurgery, "  and  was  generous  in  her  use  of  that 
skill. 

Rev.  John  Ward's  consort  was  another  pious 
woman :  — 

' '  a  meaner  person  whom  exemplary  piety  had 
recommended.  He  lived  with  her  for  more  than 
forty  years  in  such  an  happy  harmony  that  when 
she  died  he  professed  that  in  all  this  time  he  never 
had  received  one  displeasing  look  or  word  from  her. 
Though  she  would  so  faithfull}'^  tell  him  of  anything 
that  might  seem  amendable  in  him  that  he  would 
pleasantly  compare  her  to  an  accusing  conscience, 
yet  sh'e  ever  pleased  him  wonderfully.  And  she 
would  often  put  him  upon  tlie  duties  of  secret  fasts ; 
and  when  she  met  anything  in  reading  that  she 
242 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

counted  singularly  agreeable,  she  would  impart  it 
unto  him." 

There  was  also  Penelope  Pelham,  who  be- 
came the  wife  of  Governor  Bellingham,  and 
was  a  most  upright  and  virtuous  woman, 
though  her  marriage  had  caused  such  a  scan- 
dal in  Boston. 

"The  governour,  Mr.  Bellingham,  was  married, 
(I  would  not  mention  such  ordinar}'^  matters  in  our 
history,  but  by  occasion  of  some  remarkable  acci- 
dents). The  young  gentlewoman  was  ready  to  be 
contracted  to  a  friend  of  his,  who  lodged  in  his 
house,  and  by  liis  consent  had  proceeded  so  far  with 
her,  when  on  the  sudden  the  governour  treated  with 
her,  and  obtained  her  for  himself.  He  excused  it 
by  the  strength  of  his  affection,  and  that  she  was 
not  absolutely  promised  to  the  other  gentleman. 
Two  errors  more  he  committed  upon  it.  1.  That 
he  would  not  have  his  contract  published  where  he 
dwelt,  contrary  to  an  order  of  court.  2.  That  he 
married  himself  contrary  to  the  constant  practice  of 
the  country.  The  great  inquest  presented  him  for 
breach  of  order  of  court,  and  at  the  court  following, 
in  the  4th  month,  the  secretary  called  him  to  an- 
swer the  prosecution.  But  he  not  going  off  the 
bench,  as  the  manner  was,  and  but  few  of  the 
magistrates  present,  he  put  it  off  to  another  time, 
intending  to  speak  with  him  privately,  and  with 
the  rest  of  the  magistrates  about  the  case,  and  ac- 
cordingly he  told  liim  the  reason  why  he  did  not 
proceed,  viz.,  being  unwilling  to  command  him 
243 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

publicly  to  go  off  the  bench,  and  yet  not  thinking 
it  fit  he  should  sit  as  a  judge,  when  he  was  by  law 
to  answer  as  an  offender.  This  he  took  ill,  and 
said  he  would  not  go  off  the  bench,  except  he  were 
commanded." 

Margaret  Winthrop  had  also  for  a  friend 
the  widow  Joanna  Hoar,  of  whom  Charles 
Francis  Adams  wrote  in  his  Three  Episodes 
of  Massachusetts  History:  — 

'•Joanna  Hoar  may  well  be  remembered  as  the 
common  origin  of  an  offspring  at  once  numerous 
and  notable;  for,  besides  the  family  bearing  her 
own  name,  than  which  none  has  developed  more 
strikingly  or  through  longer  periods  the  sterling 
characteristics  and  some  of  the  peculiarities  of  Xew 
England  manhood,  — besides  this  family,  honor- 
ably perpetuating  her  own  and  her  husband's  name, 
from  her  through  one  daughter,  who  married  Henry 
Flint,  is  descended  a  remarkable  progeny  already 
referred  to;  while  from  another  daughter,  herself 
bearing  the  mother's  name,  came  the  elder  branch 
of  the  Quincys,  issuing  in  Abigail  Adams,  and 
her  son,  John  Quincy.  Among  Joanna  Hoar's 
other  descendants  are  numbered,  also,  the  family 
of  Evarts,  and  the  Baldwins  and  Terrys  of  Con- 
necticut, including  among  their  members  the  bril- 
liant advocate  who  defended  Andrew  Johnson,  and 
the  brave  soldier  whose  name  is  associated  with  the 
gallant  storming  of  Fort  Fisher.  Indeed,  it  may 
fairly  be  questioned  whether,  in  the  whole  wide 
field  of  American  genealogy,  there  is  any  strain  of 
244 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

blood  more  fi'uitful  of  distinguished  men  than  that 
which  issued  from  the  widow  of  the  seventeenth- 
century  sheriff  of  Gloucester,  who  himself  never 
crossed  the  Atlantic." 

She  saw  also  for  a  time  another  widow. 
Lady  Deborah  Moody,  a  woman  of  wealth  and 
great  intelligence,  who  left  England  for  free- 
dom of  conscience,  and  left  New  England  for 
a  like  reason,  and  settled  in  Long  Island. 

The  Winthrops  had  the  amusement,  perhaps 
the  annoyance,  of  being  advised  of  and  con- 
sulted in  many  troubled  and  some  sordid  and 
some  vexed  wooings ;  among  others,  that  of 
the  Regicide  Rev.  Hugh  Peter.  He  was  the 
step-father  of  Mrs.  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  and 
he  writes  thus  to  the  Governor  for  advice  as 
to  his  forthcoming  bnt  apparently  very  un- 
willing marriage  with  one  Mrs.  Deliverance 
Sheffield :  — 

**  I  have  sent  ^Mrs.  D.  Sh.  letter  which  puts  mee 
to  new  troubles,  for  though  shee  takes  liberty  vpon 
my  Cossen  Downings  speeches,  yet,  Good  Sir,  let 
me  not  be  a  foole  in  Israel.  I  had  many  good 
answers  to  yesterdays  worke  and  among  the  rest 
her  letter,  wliich  (if  her  owne)  doth  argue  more 
wisdome  than  I  thought  shee  had.  You  have  often 
sayd  I  could  not  leave  her;  what  to  doe  is  veiy 
considerable.  Could  I  with  comfort  and  credit 
desist,  this  seemes  best;  could  I  goe  ou  aud  cou- 
245 


MARGARET   WINTEROP 

tent  myselfe  that  were  good;  my  request  is  that 
this  bearer  my  harts  halfe  may  well  observe  what 
is  best.  For  though  I  now  seem  free  agayne,  yet 
the  depth  I  know  not.  Had  shee  some  ouer 
with  mee  I  think  I  had  bin  quieter.  This  shee 
may  know,  that  I  have  sought  God  earnestly,  that 
the  next  week  I  shall  be  riper. 

'*I  doubt  she  gaynes  most  by  such  writings;  and 
she  deserues  most  when  shee  is  further  off. 

''If  you  shall  amongst  you  advise  mee  to  write  to 
her,  I  shall  forthwith,  our  towne  lookes  upon  mee 
contracted,  and  soe  I  haue  saj'd  my  selfe." 

She  did,  indeed,  deserve  most  as  she  seemed 
further  away  from  him;  and  shrewd  Endicott 
divined  it,  and  wrote  thus  to  the  Governor  of 
this  very  uncertain,  wavering  love-making:  — 

''I  cannot  but  acquaint  you  with  my  thoughts 
concerning  Mr.  Peter,  since  hee  receaued  a  letter 
from  Mrs.  Sheffield,  which  was  yesterday  in  the 
euening  after  the  faste,  shee  seeming  in  her  letter 
to  abate  of  her  affeccions  toward  him  &  dislikinge 
to  come  to  Salem  vppon  such  termes  as  hee  had 
written.  I  find  shee  now  begins  to  play  hir  parte, 
&,  if  I  mistake  not,  you  will  see  him  as  greatly  in 
loue  with  hir  (if  shee  will  but  hold  off  a  little)  as 
ever  shee  was  with  him;  but  hee  conceales  it  what 
hee  cann  as  yett.  The  beginning  of  the  next  week 
you  will  hear  further  from  him." 

This  proved  true ;  and  Peter  soon,  in  other 
letters,   showed  his  "fluctuations,"  as  Judge 

246 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

Sewall  said.  He  says  that  in  this  love-affair 
he  would  not  "come  off  with  dishonor  nor 
come  on  with  grief  or  ominous  hesitations." 
He  pleads  that  he  may  be  "called  to  some 
imploymentthat  will  not  suit  a  marryed  state." 
He  says  he  has  sad  discouragements  from  his 
friends  at  "her  trim."  He  wishes  to  know 
whether  he  can  make  an  honorable  retreat, 
and  hints  of  other  entanglements,  and  finally, 
after  many  "reflections  upon  my  rash  pro- 
ceedings with  Mrs.  Sh.,"  he  marries  her;  and, 
indeed,  he  had  better  have  braved  bad  reports, 
for  he  did  indeed  "come  on  with  griefe,"  for 
she  evidently  became  insane. 

Lucy  Downing  wrote  of  her,  a  few  years 
after  her  marriage :  — 

**She  is  gone  to  visit  the  Bay  and  it  seems  was 
more  willinge  Boston  should  have  lier  bravery  than 
poor  Salem,  but  was  at  present  a  little  prevented, 
but  I  doubt  not  but  bavinge  possession  she  maye, 
and  will  in  short  tyme,  attayne  her  ends,  and  why 
slie  should  be  molested  in  it  is  much  disputed  and 
j\lr  Peters  much  censured  and  condemned  in  cros- 
inge  bis  deed  to  her  but  wliilst  men  make  our  lawes 
tliey  are  fitest  to  judge  of  them.  But  certaynly 
tlie  woman  is  dangerously  affected,  and  they  that 
have  experience  will  find  no  less.  I  hear  she  bath 
an  intent  to  present  my  sister  with  a  gowne  and 
tould  tbe  party  she  beard  ber  former  present  was 
accepted  therefore  if  she  could  give  she  would  try 
ber  power  to  sell." 

247 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

A  few  years  later,  we  find  her  husband  send- 
ing this  message  to  New  England :  "  Bee  sure 
you  never  let  my  wife  come  away  from  thence 
without  my  leave  and  you  love  mee. " 

Gentle  Roger  Williams  wrote  of  him  at 
this  time:  — 

"He  tould  mee  that  his  affliction  from  his  wife 
stird  him  up  to  Action  abroad,  &  when  his  suc- 
oeese  tempted  him  to  Pride,  the  Bitternes  of  his 
hozome-comforts  was  a  Cooler  &  a  Bridle  to  him." 

Poor  Peter !  he  had  not  an  altogether  noble 
character,  as  shown  in  his  letters,  but  he  was 
ennobled  by  his  shocking  and  tragic  death. 

It  seems  strange  that  "  Cozzen  Downing  '* 
should  wish  to  meddle  in  Parson  Peter's  love- 
affair,  for  he  had  business  enough  of  that  ilk 
to  occupy  him  and  worry  him  in  his  own 
family.  He  had  much  trouble  in  marrying 
oif  his  daughter  Luce,  though  he  should  bear 
no  blame  in  the  matter,  as  it  was  the  girl's 
own  fault.  She  had  been  enamoured  of  one 
Mr.  Eyer,  who  had  been  deemed  an  unsuitable 
match ;  and  Mr.  Norton,  the  minister's  brother, 
was  picked  out  for  her.  She  did  not  refuse 
his  addresses,  though  she  showed  plainly  to 
all  around  her  that  "  she  hath  not  yet  forgotten 
Mr.  Eyer  his  fresh  Red."  At  last  she  became 
"verie  sensible  of  loseing  fair  opportunities," 
and   consented  to   wed   Mr.    Norton,    to   her 

248 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

father's  joy,  who  wrote,  showing  the  spirit  of 
cold  and  sordid  calculation  with  which  the 
Puritan  father  ever  regarded  courtship  and 
marriage :  "  She  may  stay  long  ere  she  meet 
with  a  better,  unless  I  had  more  monie  for  her 
than  I  now  can  spare. "  But,  alas !  Madam 
Downing  soon  wrote  very  sadly  to  her  brother, 
the  Governor,  that  Luce  had  been  carrying 
herself  "unwisely  and  unrcputably,  talking 
among  her  friends  giving  them  unjust  sus- 
picions of  her  enforcement  to  Mr.  Norton ;  " 
and  it  also  came  out  that  Mr.  Ever  was  not, 
after  all,  the  charmer  to  be  dreaded,  but  that 
Luce's  affections  were  inclining  to  John  Har- 
rold.  John  had  "  practised  upon  and  disturbed 
her ; "  and  the  Downings  were  evidently  in 
deep  distress,  lest  the  girl  be  left  wholly  on 
their  hands.  A  very  sharp  and  somewhat 
bumptious  letter  to  Governor  Winthrop  from 
Minister  Norton,  the  brother  of  the  unwclcomo 
suitor,  seems  to  have  finally  settled  the  matter, 
and  the  pair  were  speedily  wed. 

The  reason  given  by  Emanuel  Downing  for 
desiring  "to  match  some  of  my  older  children, 
was  because  some  think  me  to  blame  that  none 
are  disposed  of."  His  niece,  Nab  Goade,  had 
been  provided  in  the  new  world  with  "  a  verie 
good  match,"  so  he  thriftily  desired  to  have 
two  marriages  take  place  in  one  day.     There- 

2i'J 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

fore  he  cast  about  for  a  wife  of  solid  substance 
for  his  son,  for  an  "  inheretricc ; "  and  he 
wrote,  of  course,  to  patient  Governor  Win- 
throp  for  advice  and  assistance ;  — 

"I  have  here  in  Salem  a  desire  to  match  my 
Sonne  James  to  a  maide  that  lives  in  Mr  Endi- 
cotts  howse;  hir  sister  is  maryed  here,  who  says 
the  mayd  was  left  to  hir  dispose  by  hir  parents, 
but  they  dying  intestate  the  administration  and 
tuition  of  the  maide  was  by  the  Court  comited  to 
Mr  Hathorne  Mr  Batter  and  Goodman  Scruggs; 
and  to  helpe  Mr  Endicott  with  some  present  monie 
you  wrote  to  Mr  Hathorne  to  putt  hir  to  Mr  Endi- 
cott to  board,  who  thereupon  received  40  li  afore- 
hand  for  2  yeares.  I  have  moved  ]\Ir  Hathorne 
and  Mr  Batter  for  my  sonne  who  are  well  pleased 
therewith.  I  purposed  to  have  acquaynted  j^Ir 
Endicott  therewith  but  that  a  friend  in  great 
secrecye  told  mee  that  Mr  Batter  had  in  my  sonnes 
behalfe  told  yt  to  Mr  Endicott;  and  as  Mr  Endi- 
cott said  to  my  good  friend  Mr  Hathorne  that  he 
had  tbe  wholl  dispose  of  the  maid,  and  would  pro- 
vide a  better  match  for  hir,  Mr  Hathorne  answered 
him  that  they  the  feoffes  were  trusted  with  the  person 
and  the  estate  vntill  the  maide  should  be  of  yeares 
to  dispose  of  herself,  which,  said  hee,  that  shea 
now  was  of  full  yeares  to  dispose  of  hirselfe,  being 
now  past  16,  for  shee  now  is  about  17  yeares  of 
age ;  then  Mr  Endicott  replyed  that  he  would  write 
to  the  Gouvernor  and  yourselfe  aboute  it.  Mr 
Hathorne  desires  not  to  be  knowne  of  this  counsell 
revealed  to  mee  &c.  I  should  first  have  advised 
250 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

with  Mr  Endicott  in  this  but  his  friends  desired 
lie  should  not  yet  be  acquaynted  therewith,  or  now 
vntill  I  heare  an  answeare  from  j^ourselfe,  and  the 
Governor  that  the  ^Nlaide  be  left  to  hir  owne  dispose 
or  the  feoffes  to  whom  before  hir  full  age  she  did 
apporteyne.  I  pray  let  me  beholding  to  you  to 
acquajait  the  Governor  with  my  humble  dutye  to 
him,  that  hee  may  doe  me  right,  and  answer  Mr 
Endicott  without  offence  that  the  mayde  is  of  full 
age,  but  I  leave  the  matter  and  manner  myselfe 
and  all  to  your  better  judgment  submitting  wholly 
to  the  will  of  God  therein." 

There  seems  to  be  much  trickiness  and 
double  dealing  in  all  this  matter,  and  we  may 
note  that  the  sly  Downing  does  not  even  men- 
tion the  maid's  name ;  but  we  learn  it  from 
Endicott,  —  it  was  Rebecca  Cooper. 

Endicott's  letters  have  a  far  manlier  ring 
in  this  matrimonial  venture.  We  find  that 
he  had  taken  the  girl  from  the  guardianship 
of  Goodman  Scruggs,  "both  in  regard  to  his 
Judgment  and  his  wifes  and  his  breeding." 
He  writes  thus  to  Winthrop :  — 

"  I  am  told  you  ai'e  sollicited  in  a  business  con- 
cerninge  the  girle  which  was  putt  to  my  keeping 
and  trust.  I  have  not  beene  made  acquainted  with 
it  by  you  know  whome,  which  if  there  had  been 
any  such  intendment  I  think  it  had  bene  but 
reason.  But  to  let  that  passe,  I  pray  you  advize 
251 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

not  to  stirre  in  it,  for  it  will  not  be  effected  for 
reasons  I  shall  show  you.   .   .   . 

"The  Lord  knowes  I  have  alwaies  resolved  (&  so 
hath  my  wife  ever  since  the  girl  came  to  vs)  to 
yelde  her  vp  to  be  disposed  by  yourselfe  to  any  of 
youers  if  ever  the  Lord  should  make  her  fitt  & 
worthie.  And  that  is  our  purposes  &  resolutions 
still,  if  God  hinder  not.  Now  for  the  other  for 
whom  you  writt.  I  confesse  I  cannot  freelie  yeald 
therevnto  for  present,  for  these  grounds,  ifirst. 
The  girle  desires  not  to  marry  as  yet,  2ndlue. 
Shee  confesseth  (which  is  the  truth)  herselfe  to  be 
altogether  yet  vnfitt  for  such  a  condition,  shee 
being  a  verie  girle  &  but  15  years  of  age.  Sdlie. 
When  the  man  was  moved  to  hir,  shee  said  shee 
could  not  like  him.  4thlie.  You  know  it  would 
bee  of  ill  reporte  that  a  girle  because  shee  hath 
some  estate  should  bee  disposed  of  soe  younge, 
espetiallie  not  having  any  parents  to  choose  for 
hir.  ffithlie.  I  have  some  good  hopes  of  the 
childs  cominge  on  to  the  best  thinge.  And  on  the 
other  side  I  feare  —  I  will  saye  no  more.  Other 
things  T  shall  tell  you  when  we  meet.  If  this  will 
not  satisfie  some,  let  the  Court  take  hir  from  mee 
and  place  with  any  other  to  dispose  of  her,  I  shall 
be  content;  which  I  heare  was  plotted  to  accom- 
plish this  end;  but  I  will  further  enquire  about  it 
and  you  shall  know  of  it  if  it  be  true,  ffer  I  know 
there  are  many  passages  about  this  business  which 
when  you  come  to  heare  of  you  will  not  like." 

Madam  Downing  also  "  made  a  motion  "  in 
the  matter.     She  wrote  to  her  brother :  — 

252 


WOMAN  FRIENDS  AND  NEIGHBORS 

''  James  Downing  is  anxious  to  marry  with 
Rebecca  Cooper.  .  .  .  My  husband  would  humbly 
desire  your  selfe  if  you  have  noe  exception  against 
it,  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  doe  him  the  favor 
to  write  to  Mr  Endicot  to  desire  his  furtherance 
therein.  The  disposition  of  the  mayde  and  her 
education  with  Mrs  Endicot  are  hopefull,  her  per- 
son tollerable,  and  the  estate  very  convenient,  and 
that  is  the  state  of  the  business.  Allso  James  is 
incouraged  by  the  mayds  friends  to  prosecute  the 
sute,  but  I  think  he  hath  not  yet  spoken  to  the 
mayd  as  I  hear." 

So  all  this  matching  had  been  entered  into 
before  tlic  girl  herself  had  been  spoken  to; 
but  all  this  secrecy  and  planning  came  to 
naught. 

In  this  affair  the  New  England  Puritans 
simply  followed  the  manner  of  mating  to 
which  they  had  been  accustomed  in  England. 
An  orphan  girl,  a  ward  in  chancery,  was, 
indeed,  at  that  time  a  most  pitiable  object. 
Her  fortune  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  Crown 
and  the  public,  and  from  her  earliest  child- 
hood her  marriage,  often  with  a  most  doubtful 
mate,  was  connived  at  by  her  guardians,  and 
often  accomplished.  In  the  Verney  Papers 
and  the  D'Ewes  Journal  are  some  accounts  of 
"matching"  a  child-ward,  closely  and  curi- 
ously akin  to  this  Downing-Endicott  afTair. 
Marriages  of  girls  of  thirteen  were  frequent 
.  253 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

among  commoners,  while  among  the  nobility 
and  in  royal  families  marriages  of  girls  of 
eight  or  ten  still  took  place;  indeed,  by  the 
payment  of  two  crowns,  any  English  children 
could  be  married  in  the  daytime  in  any 
parish.  Stubbes,  in  his  Anatomy  of  Abuses, 
vigorously  denounces  these  early  marriages :  — 

*'  Little  infants  in  swadling  clouts  are  often  mar- 
ied  by  their  ambicious  Parents  and  frends  when 
they  know  neither  good  nor  evill.  Every  sawcy  boy 
of  xiiij,  xvi  or  xx  yeres  of  age  to  catch  a  woman 
and  marie  her  without  any  fear  of  God  at  all,  or  re- 
spect had  either  to  her  religion,  wisdom,  integritie 
of  lyfe,  or  any  other  vertue.  .  .  .  Then  build  they 
up  a  cotage,  though  but  of  elder  poals  in  every 
lane-end  where  they  live  as  beggers  al  their  life." 

Against  this  abuse,  what  was  known  as  the 
Cottage  Act  was  passed  in  England,  in  1587, 
forbidding  building  a  cottage  unless  on  four 
acres  of  land.  Ten  pounds  was  the  penalty 
for  breaking  the  Act.  In  New  England  early 
marriages  were  neyer  so  frequent. 


254 


IX 

RELIGIOUS  LIFE   IN   BOSTON 

The  religious  aspect  of  Margaret  Winthrop's 
life  bore  far  larger  proportion  to  the  whole 
round  of  her  days  in  Boston  than  can  be  rela- 
tively accorded  to  it  in  this  biography.  The 
spirit  of  the  Lord  truly  filled  her  days.  She 
had  been  reared  in  religious  ways,  was  of 
deep,  spiritual  feeling  herself,  and  was  married 
to  a  sincere,  consistent,  and  insistent  Chris- 
tian. We  have  a  full  account  of  her  husband's 
inward  life,  a  remarkable  journal  of  his  re- 
ligious feelings,  called  Experiencia,  which 
•was  begun  in  IGOG,  and  continued  till  1G28; 
and  also  another  spiritual  biography,  called 
Christian  Experience,  written  in  New  Eng- 
land late  in  life.  It  is  diihcult  for  us  to-day, 
even  with  vivid  imagination,  to  enter  into  the 
spirit  of  solf-rcvelation  of  those  men  of  Puritan 
faith  and  Puritan  fears.  Carlylc  says:  "Puri- 
tanism has  grown  inarticulate,  has  grown  un- 
intolligible  to  us."  Their  words  are  often 
painful  to  the  reader,  and  sometimes  oppress 
255 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

one  with  a  sense  of  unreality,  almost  of  insin- 
cerity, and  always  arouse  in  me  a  mortifying 
feeling  that  I  have  intruded  into  a  sacred 
knowledge  which  never  was  intended  to  be 
given  to  the  public.  Probably  this  latter 
feeling  comes  solely  from  the  modern  habit  of 
reserve  upon  the  innermost  spiritual  thoughts 
which  unconsciously  tempers  our  judgment  of 
another  generation.  Certainly  no  one  can 
read  the  pages  of  Cotton  Mather's  Magnalia 
Christi  Americana  without  being  convinced 
that  the  public  exhibition  of  such  private 
emotions  was  far  from  distasteful  to  the  Chris- 
tians of  other  days. 

Winthrop's  disclosures  reveal  the  same  self- 
abasements  and  sin-conflicts  which  we  find  in 
similar  records.  In  the  later  experience, 
written  when  he  was  fifty  years  old,  he  opens 
thus : — 

"In  my  youth  I  was  very  lewdly  disposed,  in- 
clining unto  and  attempting  so  far  as  my  heart 
enabled  me  all  kinds  of  wickedness  except  swearing 
and  scorning  religion  which  I  had  no  temptation 
unto  in  regard  of  my  education." 

We  do  not  know  exactly  how  old  he  was 
when  he  was  so  lewdly  disposed;  but  later, 
when  he  was  only  twelve  years  old,  he  still 
was  "very  wild  and  dissolute,"  though  under 
restraint  of  reason,  by  exercise  of  which  he 
256 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN  BOSTOX 

could,  "as  occasion  required,  write  letters  of 
mere  vanity ;  and  if  occasion  was,  I  could 
write  savoury  and  godly  counsel."  A  fever 
at  fourteen  made  him  "go  mourning  with  my- 
self," and  he  then  drew  near  to  God;  yet  still 
he  was  sullied  with  the  vice  of  self-esteem. 
At  eighteen,  being  married,  he  went  through 
a  crisis:  "I  loved  a  Christian  and  the  very 
ground  he  went  upon.  I  honoured  a  faithful 
minister  in  my  heart  and  could  have  kissed  his 
feet. "  He  never  missed  a  sermon,  though  miles 
away;  still  he  was  beset  with  "a  secret  desire 
after  pleasures,  and  itching  after  liberty," 
He  constantly  and  bitterly  regrets  his  carnal 
proclivities  and  fallings  from  grace;  yet,  after 
all,  the  sins  he  enumerates  are  only  sitting  up 
too  late  at  night,  occasional  impatience,  caring 
too  much  for  eating,  going  too  often  gunning, 
—  though  he  confesses  he  never  had  much 
success  as  a  sportsman.  The  Experience  is 
full  of  vows,  covenants,  and  resolutions;  it 
varies  from  dejection  to  exaltation;  it  exhibits 
the  alternation  of  feeling  which  often  comes 
in  the  world  to  those  who  strive  to  live  after 
the  highest  moral  and  religious  ideal.  Ho 
resolves  "to  give  over  shooting,"  or  else  very 
seldom  to  indulge  in  it;  never  to  }ilay  cards; 
to  give  up  trying  new  inventions  and  cling 
to  the  good  old  ways  of  our  fathers;  to  avoid 
17  '      267 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

needless  expenses;  to  abandon  the  use  of 
tobacco;  to  have  a  special  good  care  of  the 
education  of  his  children;  to  flee  idleness;  to 
pray  and  confer  privately  with  his  wife;  and 
other  equally  good  and  sensible  determina- 
tions, the  breaking  or  abandonment  of  which 
would  not  seem  either  very  wicked  or  unnatural 
to-day. 

After  the  death  of  his  second  wife,  he  gave 
himself  to  the  study  of  divinity,  and  intended 
to  enter  the  ministry;  but  even  in  this  he 
found  temptation  of  the  devil  through  pride  of 
his  gifts,  "which  did  not  a  little  puff  me  up," 
But  he  prayed,  and  fasted,  and  conquered. 
"Avoyd  Sathan ! "  he  exclaims,  after  fierce 
buffeting  with  temptation.  Truly,  the  fashion 
of  this  earth  passeth  away.  The  earnest  pur- 
port of  Winthrop's  words  awakes  but  slight 
resonance  or  response  in  our  hearts,  with  our 
modern  habits  of  thought. 

Margaret  Winthrop's  faith  is  shown  in  her 
letters.  She  was  evidently  in  deep  sympathy 
with  her  husband's  modes  of  religious  thought. 
We  learn  it  from  such  sentences  as  these :  "  I 
thank  you  for  putting  me  in  mind  to  be  cheer- 
ful, and  to  put  my  trust  in  good  God,  who 
never  fay  led  me  in  time  of  need.  I  beseech 
him  to  continue  his  mercy  stil  to  me  and 
grant  that  my  sinnes  may  not  provoke  his 
258 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

anger  against  me  for  he  is  a  just  God  and 
will  pnnnish  offenders."  She  calls  herself  a 
"sinfuU  woman  full  of  infirmyties  continually 
fayleinge  of  what  I  desire ; "  and  she  con- 
stantly voices  her  submission  to  God's  will, 
and  her  faith  in  his  judgment  and  watchful 
care.  The  external  expression  of  her  faith 
was  not  only  in  her  letters,  but  in  her  life. 

John  Winthrop  was  ever  earnest  in  what  he 
called  family  duties ;  and  the  services  of  the 
Puritan  church  were  such  as  constantly  and 
actively  reiterated  the  doctrines  and  teachings 
of  that  sect. 

The  first  covenant  of  the  Boston  Church 
which  Margaret  Winthrop  attended  was  signed 
in  Charlestown  in  August,  lOoO.  This  is  its 
simple  and  beautiful  wording :  — 

"In  the  Name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  in 
obedience  to  his  Holy  will  and  Divine  Ordinance, 

*'  Wee  whose  names  are  hereunder  written,  being 
by  His  most  wise  and  good  Providence  brouglit  to- 
gether into  this  part  of  America  in  tlie  Bay  of 
Massachusetts,  and  desirous  to  unite  ourselves  into 
one  Congivgatiou  or  Church,  under  the  Lord  Josus 
Christ  our  Head,  in  such  sort  as  becometh  all  those 
whom  He  hath  Redeemed  and  Sanctified  to  Him- 
selfe,  doe  hereby  solemnly  and  religiousl}'  (as  in 
His  most  holy  Prcesance)  Promisse  and  bind  our- 
selves to  walk  in  all  our  wayes  according  to  tlie 
Rule  of  the  Gospell,  and  in  all  sincere  Conformity 
259 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

to  His  holy  Ordinances,  and  in  miituall  love  and  re- 
spect each  to  other,  so  neere  as  God  shall  give  us 
grace." 

This  solemn  compact  was  signed  first  bj 
John  Winthrop,  then  by  Thomas  Dudley,  then 
by  many  against  whose  names  the  pathetic 
note  "Dead  since  "  was  speedily  placed.  The 
whole  list  of  church  admissions  prior  to  the 
year  1640,  is  given  by  Mr.  William  H.  Whit- 
more,  in  his  valuable  chapter  in  the  first  vol- 
ume of  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston.  Most 
interesting  does  it  prove  to  the  historical  and 
genealogical  student.  The  name  of  Margaret 
Winthrop  appears  as  number  one  hundred  and 
eleven  on  the  list;  it  is  near  that  of  John  and 
Jacob  Eliot,  and  John  and  Martha  Winthrop. 

The  church  thus  formed  is  now  known  as 
the  First  Church  of  Boston.  In  its  present 
house  of  worship  the  words  of  its  first  covenant 
may  be  seen  on  a  painted  window;  and  among 
the  ancient  communion  plate  is  an  embossed 
silver  cup  with  "The  gift  of  Governor  J°° 
Winthrop  to  ye  1'  Church."  The  church 
records  call  it  a  tall  embossed  cup ;  it  is  what 
is  known  as  a  standing-cup  or  hanap,  —  a 
form  constantly  used  in  Holland. 

The  first  gathering-place  of  this  congrega- 
tion was  truly  God's  temple.  Old  Roger  Clap 
said:  "Before  they  could  build  at  Boston,  they 

260 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

lived  many  of  them  in  tents  and  wigwams  at 
Charlestown;  their  meeting-place  being  abroad 
under  a  tree,  where  1  have  heard  Mr  Wilson 
and  Mr  Phillips  preach  many  a  good  sermon." 
Though  there  were  regular  meetings  every 
Sunday  after  the  removal  to  Boston,  there  was 
no  meeting-house  built  for  two  years;  and  it 
is  very  probable  that  the  congregation  gathered 
in  John  Winthrop's  house,  which  seems  to 
have  been  the  general  assembling-place  at 
that  day.  But  as  prosperity  seemed  dawning 
on  the  community,  funds  were  raised,  to  the 
amount  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds,  to 
])e  applied  to  the  erection  of  a  meeting-house 
and  a  dwelling  for  the  minister.  The  first 
structure,  said  to  be  of  mud  walls,  with 
thatched  roof  and  earthen  floor,  stood  till 
1640.  Some  impassioned  and  thrilling  scenes 
were  witnessed  within  its  rude  walls.  It  stood 
on  the  south  side  of  State  Street.  Joshua 
Scottow  contrasted  "the  amplified  and  digni- 
fied" church  of  Boston  in  his  later  days  with 
that  "little  church  which  after  seven  years 
growth  its  number  (in  their  mud-wall  Meet- 
ing-House,  with  wooden  Chalices)  was  so 
small  as  a  child  might  have  told  the  whole 
Assembly. " 

This    building  was    replaced    by  a  wooden 
structure,  which  stood  on  Washington  Street, 
2G1 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

nearly  opposite  the  head  of  State  Street.  It 
was  burned  in  October,  1711,  and  was  replaced 
by  a  stately  brick  edifice,  —  a  representative 
building  ot  its  special  type  of  architecture, 
which  cost  about  X4000.  This  remained  till 
1808,  when  it  was  taken  down,  and  the  society 
removed  to  a  new  church  in  Chauncy  Place, 
which  in  turn  was  deserted  for  the  beautiful 
church  on  the  corner  of  Berkeley  and  Marl- 
borough Streets. 

The  first  minister  of  this  church  was  Rev. 
John  Wilson.  In  the  year  1630,  <£60  were 
collected  for  him  and  for  Mr.  Phillips,  as 
salary.  He  then  returned  to  England  to  bring 
his  wife  to  the  new  land,  and  John  Eliot 
preached  in  his  place.  She  came  most  un- 
willingly, with  fear  and  trembling,  though  she 
was  cheered  and  encouraged  by  all  her  friends ; 
and  she  evidently  retained  that  timidity,  for 
when  he  a  second  time  returned  to  England, 
leaving  her  behind,  she  was  in  great  distress 
of  mind. 

The  character  of  John  Wilson  is  well  known, 
—  a  Puritan  of  the  Puritans.  His  portrait,  of 
doubtful  authenticity,  shows  a  severe  counte- 
nance, with  unusually  long  waving  hair.  He 
was  of  good  birth  and  education,  and  by  tradi- 
tion a  spirited  preacher.  What  would  have 
been  the  history  of  the  church  had  John  Cotton 
262 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

been  its  preacher,  is  open  to  conjecture ;   but 
he  was  only  its  teacher. 

The  form  of  this  first  church  was  purely 
congregational,  its  services  those  of  the  Puri- 
tan church.  After  the  arrival  of  John  Cotton, 
in  1G33,  he  was  at  once  ordained  teacher,  as 
was  the  custom  of  the  day,  when  each  church 
of  size  had  both  pastor  and  teacher.  Hutchin- 
son says  the  circumstances  and  order  of 
proceeding  in  Mr.  Cotton's  ordination  were 
intended  as  a  precedent,  and  the  Congrega- 
tional churches  in  New  England  have  generally 
conformed  thereto  ever  since.  On  this  oc- 
casion, besides  "imposition  of  hands,"  the 
people  were  notified  that  they  might  sanction 
the  choice  of  the  teacher  by  public  expres- 
sion, which  was  done  by  "erection  of  hands. " 
Winthrop  further  described  this  solemn  scene : 

"Then  Mr  "Wilson,  the  Pastor,  demanded  of 
him,  if  he  did  accept  of  that  call  ?  He  paused  and 
then  spake  to  this  effect;  that  howsoever  he  knew 
himself  unworth  and  unsuflficient  for  that  place, 
yet  having  observed  all  the  passages  of  Gods  Provi- 
dence which  he  reckoned  up  in  particular  in  calling 
him  to  it,  he  oould  not  but  accept  it.  Then  the 
Pastor  and  the  two  Elders  laid  their  hands  upon 
his  head,  and  the  Pastor  prayed,  and  tlien  taking 
off  their  hands,  laid  them  on  again,  and  speaking 
to  him  by  his  name,  they  did  thenceforth  design 
him  to  the  said  ofiSce  in  the  name  of  the  Holy 
263 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

Ghost,  and  did  give  him  in  the  charge  of  the  Congre- 
gation, and  did  tliereby,  as  a  sign  from  God  endue 
])im  with  the  gifts  fit  for  his  office,  and  lastly  did 
bless  him.  Then  the  neighboring  ministers  which 
were  present  did  at  the  Pastors  motion  give  him 
the  right  hands  of  fellowship  and  the  Pastor  made 
a  stipulation  between  him  and  the  Congregation." 

The  impressive  service  of  ordination  in  the 
Congregational  church  was  never  more  signifi- 
cant than  under  this  thatched  roof,  within  these 
mud-walls  of  this  first  Boston  church.  The 
women  of  the  congregation,  with  gentle  Puritan 
countenances ;  the  sturdy  yeomen  faces  of  the 
men;  the  noble  bearing  of  the  Governor  and 
elders;  the  stern  severe  lineaments  of  John 
Wilson,  contrasting  with  the  beautiful,  win- 
ning, loving  face  of  John  Cotton ;  and  the  ear- 
nestness, the  inspiration  of  faith  which  glori- 
fied every  feature, —  make  it  ever  memorable, 
ever  admirable. 

The  influence  of  John  Cotton  was  speedily 
felt  in  spiritual  affairs. 

"It  pleased  the  Lord  to  give  special  testimony 
of  his  presence  in  the  church  of  Boston  after  Mr 
Cotton  was  called  to  office  there.  More  were  con- 
verted and  added  to  that  church  than  to  others  in 
the  Bay.  Divers  profane  and  notorious  evil  persons 
came  and  confessed  their  sins  and  were  comfortably 
received  into  the  bosom  of  the  church.  Yea  the 
Lord  gave  witness  to  the  exercise  of  prophecy 
264 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

so  as  thereby  some  were  converted  and  others 
much  edified.  Also  the  Lord  pleased  greatly  to 
l)less  the  practice  of  discipline  wherein  he  gave 
the  pastor  Mr.  Wilson  a  singular  gift  to  the  great 
benefit  of  the  church." 

An  exceedingly  distinct  and  detailed  rela- 
tion of  the  churches  of  early  Massachusetts 
was  given  by  Thomas  Lecliford,  the  first  Boston 
lawyer,  in  his  Plaine  dealing,  or  Newes  from 
New-England.  He  clearly  defines  the  church 
government  and  administration,  the  church 
doctrine  and  customs.  His  book  is  so  reliable, 
and  hence  so  valuable,  as  to  be  nearly  indis- 
pensable to  the  study  of  New  England  insti- 
tutions of  early  years,  especially  from  1G34 
to  1641,  when  he  returned  to  England ;  for 
lawyers  were  but  little  desired  in  Massachu- 
setts at  that  time.  Lochford,  the  first  Boston 
lawyer,  and  John  Hoar,  the  first  Concord 
lawyer,  were  both  forbidden  to  conduct  or 
plead  any  law  cases  before  the  court,  save 
their  own.  His  description  of  the  "publique 
worship  "  reads  thus  :  — 

**  Every  Sabbath  or  Lords  Day  they  come 
together  at  Boston  by  wringing  of  a  bell,  about 
nine  of  the  clock  or  before.  Tlie  Pastor  begins 
with  solemn  prayer  continuing  about  a  quarter 
of  an  hour.  The  Teaclier  then  readeth  and  ex- 
poundeth  a  chapter  ;  Tlien  a  Psalme  is  sung 
265 


MARGARET   WINJHROP 

whichever  one  the  ruling  Elder  dictates.  After 
that  the  Pastor  preacheth  a  Sermon,  and  sometimes 
ex  tempore  exhorts.  Then  the  Teacher  concludes 
with  a  prayer  and  a  blessing.  About  two  in 
the  afteruoone,  they  repaire  to  the  meeting-house 
agaiue;  and  the  Pastor  begins,  as  before  noone, 
and  a  Psalme  being  sung,  the  Teacher  makes 
a  Sermon.  He  was  wont,  when  I  came  first,  to 
reade  and  expound  a  Chapter  also  before  his  Ser- 
mon in  the  afternoon.  After  and  before  his 
Sermon  he  prayed.  After  that  ensueth  Baptisme, 
if  there  be  any,  which  is  done,  by  either  Pastor  or 
Teacher,  in  the  Deacons  seate,  the  most  eminent 
place  in  the  Church,  next  under  the  Elders  seate. 
The  Pastor  most  commonly  makes  a  speech  or 
exhortation  to  the  Church,  and  parents  concerning 
Baptisme,  and  then  prayeth  before  and  after.  It 
is  done  by  washing  or  sprinkling.  One  of  the 
parents  being  of  the  church  the  childe  may  be 
baptized.  .  .  .  No  sureties  are  required.  Which 
ended,  follows  the  contribution,  one  of  the  Dea- 
cons saying  Brethren  of  the  congregation,  now 
there  is  time  left  for  contribution,  wherefore  as 
God  hath  prospered  you  so  freely  offer.  Upon 
some  extraordinary  occasions,  as  building  and  re- 
pairing of  Churches  and  meeting-houses,  or  other 
necessities,  the  Ministers  presse  a  liberall  contri- 
bution, with  effectual  exhortations  out  of  Scripture. 
The  Magistrates,  and  chiefe  gentlemen  first,  and 
then  the  Elders,  and  all  the  congregation  of  men, 
and  most  of  them  that  are  not  of  the  Church,  all 
single  persons,  widows,  and  women  in  the  absence 
266 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN  BOSTON 

of  their  husbands  come  up  one  after  another  one 
way,  and  bring  their  offerings  to  the  Deacon  at 
liis  seate,  and  put  it  into  a  box  of  wood  for 
the  purpose,  if  it  be  money  or  papers;  if  it  bo 
any  otlier  chattle,  they  set  it  or  lay  it  downe 
before  the  deacons,  and  so  passe  another  way  to 
their  seats  again." 

If  the  faces  of  this  little  procession  of  wor- 
shippers could  once  more  pass  before  us,  what 
a  revelation  it  would  be  of  ancestral  types !  I 
like  to  fancy  them  as  they  walk  slowly  up  the 
little  aisle,  bringing  to  the  altar  scant  gifts 
in  money,  but  far  homelier  tokens  of  interest, 
even  in  the  shape  of  food  and  provisions. 

Lcchford  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the 
communion  services,  which  shows  the  simple 
dignity  and  beauty  of  the  church  life  of  the 
Puritans. 

Of  the  discomforts  attendant  upon  the  public 
services  in  this  church,  and  of  its  imperfec- 
tions, I  will  not  dwell,  as  I  have  told  them  so 
much  in  detail  in  my  book.  The  Sabbath  in 
Puritan  New  England.  The  seats  were  rude, 
scarce  more  than  benches,  yet  were  carefully 
assigned  by  a  Seating  Committee.  The  poorly 
built  house  was  unheatcd,  even  in  the  fierce 
New  England  winter.  The  services  were 
long;  the  singing  necessarily  doubtful,  and 
constantly  growing  worse. 
267 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

Upon  week  days  lectures  were  given  in 
various  towns,  as  was  the  custom  in  Eng- 
land. Cotton  complained,  in  his  Way  of  the 
Churches,  written  in  1639,  that  there  were 
so  many  lectures,  and  so  many  persons  re- 
sorted to  them,  that  it  was  "to  the  great 
neglect  of  their  affairs  and  the  damage  of  the 
public."  The  Court  and  ministers  met  to 
consider  the  restraint  of  these  lectures ;  but  it 
seemed  to  be  "  taken  in  ill-part  "  by  some  of 
the  elders,  so  no  action  was  taken.  The 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts  has  not  had, 
since  that  time,  to  consider  the  expediency  of 
legislating  for  the  suppression  of  inordinate 
church-going. 


268 


MISTRESS   ANNE   HUTCHINSON 

In  the  year  1637  Margaret  Winthrop  wrote 
this  letter  to  John  Winthrop :  — 

To  her  Honered  husband  these  be  delivered. 

Deare  IX  MY  THOUGnxs,  —  I  bhish  to  thinke 
howe  mucli  I  have  neclected  the  opertun^'te  of 
presenting  ni}^  love  to  you.  Sad  thoughts  possess 
my  spirits  and  I  cannot  repulce  them  w'**  makes 
me  unfit  for  anythinge  wondringe  what  the  Lord 
meanes  by  all  these  troubles  amonge  us  —  shure  I 
am  that  all  shall  worke  to  the  best,  to  them  that 
love  God,  or  rather  are  loved  of  him.  I  know  he 
will  bring  light  out  of  obscuritye,  and  make  his 
rituusnesse  shine  forth,  as  clere  as  the  noune  da3'e, 
yet  I  find  in  myselfe  an  aforce  spirit,  and  a  trem- 
blinge  hart  not  so  willinge  to  submit  to  the  will  of 
God  as  I  desyre.  Thear  is  a  time  to  plant  and  a 
time  to  pul  up  that  vf''^  is  planted,  w"'''  I  could  de- 
syre mi  gilt  not  be  yet,  but  tlie  Lord  knoweth  what 
is  best,  and  his  wil  be  done,  but  I  will  rite  no  more 
liopeinge  to  see  thee  tomorrow  my  best  affections 
being  commended  to  yourselfe,  the  rest  of  our 
friends  at  Xuetown,  I  commit  thee  to  God. 
Your  loveinge  wife 

2(j9  Margaret  W. 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

This  letter  is  significantly  dated  at  "  Sad 
Boston,"  and  it  is  the  only  word  which  has 
come  down  to  us  to  show  how  Margaret 
Winthrop  regarded  that  bitter,  bewildering 
controversy  which  was  then  raging  in  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  which  divided 
churches  and  families,  which  threatened  to 
annihilate  the  Commonwealth.  There  is  no 
word  to  tell  of  her  personal  feeling  towards 
Anne  Hutchinson,  the  woman  who  was  the 
protagonist  in  this  religious  drama  of  early 
New  England.  They  must  have  known  each 
other  well,  for  they  were  near  neighbors,  per- 
haps intimate  friends,  during  the  first  year  of 
Anne  Hutchinson's  life  in  Boston,  —  the  year 
that  she  was  respected  and  loved  by  all. 

It  is  certainly  curious  that  the  most  trying 
experience  that  came  to  Margaret  Winthrop 
in  her  Boston  home  should  have  come  to  her 
through  a  woman.  It  had  been  a  matter  of 
most  profound  rejoicing  when  Rev.  John 
Cotton  arrived  in  the  colony  from  Boston, 
England.  Coming  from  the  beautiful  church 
of  St.  Botolphs,  so  charmingly  described  by 
Hawthorne  in  his  Pilgrimage  to  Boston,  — 
the  church  whose  bells  rang  out  The  Brides 
of  Enderby  in  the  high  tide  of  1571,  whose 
lantern  is  said  to  have  gone  out  when  Cotton 
departed   from  the   sacred  walls,  and  whose 

270 


MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCHINSON 

lofty  tower  still  proudly  overlooks  Old  Boston, 
—  he  could  not  fail  of  welcome  in  the  little 
town  affectionately  named  for  his  old  home. 
But  he  brought  disaster  in  his  train,  —  this 
woman  parishioner,  Anne  Hutchinson,  who 
well-nigh  ended  the  little  Commonwealth.  She 
managed  to  evoke  speedily  a  religious  contro- 
versy more  violent  than  any  other  that  has 
ever  taken  place  in  America.  In  it  the  entire 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  was  involved, 
and  it  changed  the  form  of  civil  government. 
Winthrop  made  this  entry  in  his  diary  on 
October  21,  1636:  — 

*'  One  Mrs  Hutchinson,  a  member  of  the  church 
of  Boston,  a  woman  of  a  ready  wit  and  a  bold 
spirit,  brought  over  witli  her  two  dangerous  errors; 
1.  That  the  person  of  tlie  Holy  Ghost  dwells  in  a 
justified  person.  2.  That  no  sanctification  can 
help  to  evidence  to  us  our  justification.  From  tliese 
two  grew  many  branches;  as  our  union  with  the 
Holy  Ghost  so  as  a  Christian  remains  dead  to 
every  spiritual  action,  and  hath  no  gifts  nor 
graces,  other  than  such  as  are  in  hypocrites,  nor 
any  other  sanctification  but  the  Holy  Ghost  him- 
self." 

The  exact  definitions  of  Mvs.  Hutchinson's 
religious  beliefs  or  theories  would  be  impos- 
sible for  me  to  give.  I  doubt  if  she  could 
give  them  herself  in  simple   and  intelligible 

271 


MARGARET  WINTEROP 

language.  The  point  most  evident  to  me,  and 
the  one  that  seems  to  me  of  most  influence  in 
her  extraordinary  career,  was  this  very  fact, 

—  that  she  could  not  and  did  not  fully  and 
comprehensibly  explain  her  beliefs  and  theo- 
ries. There  is  a  charm  to  many  natures  in 
mj'sticisra,  especially  so,  I  think,  to  many  of 
strong  religious  feeling,  since  the  very  founda- 
tions of  our  religious  belief  lie  in  our  spiritual 
natures,  and  can  scarcely  be  explained.  The 
Puritan  colonists,  living  and  thinking  wholly 
in  the  Bible,  with  their  minds  deeply  absorbed 
with  spiritual  matters,  with  few  temporal 
diversions  from  the  hard  routine  of  their  daily 
life,  other  than  church  and  lecture  going, 
were,  from  the  very  nature  of  circumstances, 
ready  victims  of  religious  excitement.  Nay, 
more;  they  had  an  ideal  element  in  their 
composition  which  made  them  alive  to  mystic 
influences,  —  an  element  which  the  genius  of 
Hawthorne  divined  and  portrayed  with  unerr- 
ing touch,  though  he  had  none  of  the  proofs 
of  it  which  we  possess  to-day  in  the  strange 
letters  of  colonial  times  made  public  in  the 
collections  of  our  historical  societies.    ' 

Anne  Hutchinson  "vented  her  revelations," 

—  a  form  of  religious  instruction  ever  most 
fascinating  to  credulous  and  excitable  minds, 
but  appearing  to  the  clearer-minded  and  clearer- 

272 


MISTRESS  ANNE  nUTCHINSON 

headed  of  the  Puritans  as  the  very  essence  of 
fanaticism.  And  in  these  prophecies  and 
revelations  she  did  not  hesitate  to  utter  threat- 
ening and  denunciatory  forebodings  of  judg- 
ment and  disaster  to  the  colony,  "that  God 
would  ruin  us  and  our  posterity  and  the  State." 
This,  of  course,  Winthrop  could  not  for  a 
moment  sympathize  with,  or  endure,  or  per- 
mit; and  at  a  protracted  meeting  in  the  Boston 
Church  he  spoke  freely,  and,  as  he  says,  Avith 
some  bitterness,  opposing  the  settlement  in 
Boston  as  a  church-teacher  of  ^Irs.  Hutchin- 
son's brother,  a  minister  named  Wheelwright. 
And  he  made  the  request  "seriously  and  affec- 
tionately, that  seeing  these  variances  grew, 
and  estrangement  from  some  words  and  phrases 
which  were  of  human  invention  and  tended  to 
doubtful  disputation,  that  for  the  peace  of  the 
church  they  might  be  forborne;  he  meant 
person  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  real  union." 
To  these  and  other  sensible  words  no  man 
made  answer. 

Such  aft'ectionate  and  temperate  expostula- 
tion would  never  silence  any  one  of  Anne 
Hutchinson's  temperament.  The  preface  of 
A  Short  Story  of  the  Rise  Rcigne  and  Ruine 
of  the  Antinominns  in  Xew  England,  tells  of 
her  favorite  method  of  instilling  her  belief 
and  making  converts :  — 
273 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

"Last  and  worst  of  all,  which  most  suddenly 
diffused  the  venom  into  the  very  veins  and  vitals  of 
the  people  in  the  country,  was  Mistress  Hutchinsons 
double  weekly-lecture  which  she  kept  under  pre- 
tence of  repeating  sermons,  to  which  resorted  sun- 
dry of  Boston  and  other  towns  about  to  the  number 
of  fifty,  sixty,  or  eighty  at  once;  where  after  she 
had  repeated  the  sermon,  she  would  make  her 
comment  upon  it,  vent  her  mischievous  opinions 
as  she  pleased,  and  wreath  the  Scriptures  to  her 
own  purpose ;  when  the  custom  was  for  her  scholars 
to  propound  questions,  and  she  (gravely  sitting  in 
the  chair)  did  make  answers  thereunto.  The  great 
respect  she  had  at  first  in  the  hearts  of  all,  and  her 
profitable  and  sober  carriage  of  matters,  for  a  time, 
made  this  her  practice  less  suspected  by  the  godly 
magistrates  and  elders  of  the  church  there,  so  that 
it  was  winked  at  for  a  time  (though  afterward 
reproved  by  the  assembly  and  called  into  court)  ; 
but  it  held  so  long,  until  she  had  spread  her  leaven 
so  far,  that  had  not  Providence  prevented,  it  had 
proved  the  canker  of  our  peace  and  ruin  of  our 
comforts.  By  all  these  means  and  cunning  sleights 
they  used,  it  came  about  that  these  errors  were  so 
soon  conveyed  before  we  were  aware  not  only  into 
the  church  in  Boston,  but  also  into  almost  all  the 
parts  of  the  country  round  about." 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Assembly  on  the  30th  of 
August,  1637,  resolutions  were  adopted  which 
give  us  an  insight  into  the  two  important 
disorders  which   Winthrop  deplored,    and  by 

274 


MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCHINSON 

which  the  peace  of  the  church  was  seriously 
disturbed :  — 

"  1.  That  though  women  might  meet  (some  few 
together)  to  pray  and  edify  one  another;  yet  such  a 
set  assembly,  (as  was  then  in  practice  at  Boston,) 
where  sixty  or  more  did  meet  every  week,  and  one 
woman  (in  a  prophetical  way,  by  resolving  ques- 
tions of  doctrine,  and  expounding  scripture)  took 
upon  her  the  whole  exercise,  was  agreed  to  be  dis- 
orderly, and  without  rule. 

"2.  Though  a  private  member  might  ask  a 
question  publicly  after  sermon,  for  information; 
yet  this  ought  to  be  very  wisely  and  sparingly 
done,  and  that  with  leave  of  the  elders;  but  ques- 
tions of  reference,  (then  in  use,)  whereby  the 
doctrines  delivered  were  reproved,  etc.,  was  utterly 
condemned." 

I  cannot  find  that  it  was  ever  the  general 
custom  among  Puritans  in  England  for  women 
to  hold  such  meetings  as  these ;  though  Antony 
"Wood,  the  Oxford  antiquary,  tells  of  the  wife 
of  Rev.  John  Oxcnbridge  (who  afterwards  died 
in  Boston),  that  while  he  preached  on.  his 
travels  to  and  fro,  "his  dear  wife  preached  in 
the  house  among  her  gossips  and  others ;  "  and 
that  after  her  death,  "a  monument  with  a 
large  canting  inscription "  set  in  Eton  Col- 
lege, told  of  her  holdings-forth.  And  he  also 
asserts  that  this  inscription  gave  such  offence 


MARGARET   WINTEROP 

to  the  royalists  that  they  caused  it  to  be 
"daubed  over  with  paint." 

Whatever  we  may  think  to-day  of  these 
women's  conventicles,  —  where  the  women 
colonists  heard  all  the  ministers  except  Mr. 
Cotton  reproached,  "  that  they  had  not  the  seal 
of  the  spirit,"  "were  not  able  ministers,"  etc. 
—  I  am  sure  none  of  us  would  for  a  moment 
assent  to  the  wisdom  or  the  practice  of  permit- 
ting members  of  a  church  congregation  to  rise 
in  religious  assemblies  and  reprove  and  re- 
proach with  bitterness  the  doctrines  advanced 
and  previously  explained  by  the  clergyman  or 
minister;  or  to  leave  the  meeting-house  a 
dissenting  body,  as  the  Hutchinsonians  did 
when  Parson  Wilson  rose  to  preach.  It  would 
clearly  be  an  invitation  to  the  interference  and 
interruption  of  every  crank  and  brawler  in 
Christendom. 

Welde  wrote  feelingly  of  these  conditions :  — 

''Now  after  our  sermons  were  ended  at  our 
public  lectures,  you  might  have  seen  half  a  dozen 
pistols  discharged  at  the  face  of  the  preacher,  I 
mean  so  many  objections  made  by  the  opinionists 
in  the  open  assembly  against  our  doctrine  deliv- 
ered, if  it  suited  not  their  new  fancies ;  and  this 
done  not  once  and  away  but  from  day  to  day  after 
our  sermons;  yea  they  would  come  when  they  heard 
a  minister  was  upon  such  a  point  as  was  like  to 
276 


[MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCHINSON 

strike  at  their  opinions,  witli  a  purpose  to  oppose 
]iim  to  his  face. 

*'  Now  you  might  have  seen  many  of  the  opinion- 
ists  rising  up  and  contemptuously  turning  their 
Lacks  upon  the  faithful  pastors  of  that  church,  and 
going  forth  from  the  assembly  when  he  began  to 
pray  and  preach. 

''Now  you  might  have  read  epistles  of  defiance 
and  challenge,  written  to  some  ministers  after 
their  sermons,  to  cross  and  contradict  truths  by 
them  delivered. 

"Now  might  one  have  frequently  heard,  both  in 
court  and  church  meetings  when  they  were  dealt 
withal  about  their  opinions  and  exorbitant  car- 
riages, such  bold  and  menacing  expressions  as 
these;  This  I  hold  and  will  hold  to  my  death,  and 
will  maintain  it  with  my  blood.  And  if  I  cannot 
be  heard  here  I  must  be  forced  to  take  some  other 
course. 

"  They  said  moreover  what  they  would  do  against 
us  (biting  their  words  in)  when  such  opportunities 
should  be  offered  to  them  as  they  daily  expected." 

'  The  matter  was  also  discussed  and  argued 
by  the  ministers  in  public,  John  Cotton 
leaning  strongly  for  a  time  to  Antinomian- 
ism;  and  the  more  the  questions  were  de- 
bated, the  less  was  known  about  them.  Win- 
throp  says:  "No  man  could  tell,  except  some 
few  who  knew  the  bottom  of  the  matter, 
•where  the  difference  was."  At  last,  thoroughly 
alarmed  and  worn  out,  the  Court  of  ^lassachu- 
277 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

setts  proceeded  against  this  fomenter  of  dis- 
sensions. She  "defended  her  twenty-nine 
cursed  opinions  in  Boston  Church,  and  then 
fell  into  fearful  lying  with  an  impudent  fore- 
head in  the  open  assembly,"  and  she  was  sen- 
tenced to  be  banished ;  but  as  it  was  in  winter- 
time, she  was  sent  temporarily  to  the  house 
of  a  minister  in  Roxbury,  where,  till  spring, 
she  was  well  provided  for,  and  where  her  rela- 
tions and  the  elders  could  visit  her,  though  no 
one  else,  lest  she  seduce  them  to  her  beliefs. 

This  was  not  all  that  the  Court,  or  Winthrop, 
did  in  the  matter.  A  petition  had  been  sent 
affirming  belief  in  the  innocence  of  Mr.  Wheel- 
wright, in  the  charges  against  him,  and  making 
complaint  of  the  action  of  the  Court  in  such  a 
manner  that  the  petition  was  deemed  scandal- 
ous and  seditious.  It  was  signed  by  sixty  of 
the  most  influential  citizens  in  the  community. 
As  a  punishment  for  their  scandal  and  sedi- 
tion, they  were  disfranchised,  disarmed,  their 
public  offices  removed,  and  some  were  ban- 
ished. This  was,  I  think,  one  of  the  boldest 
and  most  arbitrary  actions  of  any  civilized 
government ;  certainly  no  parallel  can  be  found 
to  it  in  the  history  of  the  colonies,  provinces, 
and  United  States,  from  that  day  to  this.  I 
cannot  find  that  Winthrop  had  any  important 
backer  or  support  in  this  action  among  the 

278 


MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCFTINSON 

Boston  citizens,  except  from  his  pastor,  Mr. 
Wilson,  though  he  had  the  support  of  the 
colony  outside  the  town;  and  it  is  a  proof  of 
his  power  in  the  colony  that  all  these  Boston 
men  of  dignity  and  wealth  submitted  to  his 
decision, — for,  according  to  Welde,  they  were 
"some  of  the  magistrates,  some  gentlemen, 
some  scholars  and  men  of  learning,  some 
Burgesses  of  our  general  court,  some  of  our 
captains  and  soldiers,  some  chief  men  in 
towns,  and  some  eminent  for  religion,  parts, 
and  wit."  Winthrop  had  been  censured  and 
rebuked  for  too  much  lenity  in  his  judgments 
and  government;  he  learned  well  his  lesson  of 
severe  and  rigorous  authority.  The  reason  of 
his  power  in  this  matter  lay,  after  all,  far 
deeper  than  any  temporal  authority.  It  lay 
in  his  own  spirit;  it  was  to  him  a  season  of 
solemn  and  self-searching  inquest  of  his  own 
motives.  He  wrote,  during  his  hours  of  pri- 
vacy, his  remarkable  Christian  Experience; 
he  questioned  "mine  owne  estate"  in  great 
chastening  of  spirit,  and  after  calm  self- 
examination,  declared  that  his  public  acts 
were  "done  for  the  glory  of  God  and  public 
peace."  No  one  can  doubt  these  were  his  true 
motives. 

It  must  have  been  a  sore  trial  to  "Winthrop 
to  lose  from  his  colony  and  his  neighborhood 
279 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

these  old  friends  of  his.  William  Coddinj^ton, 
a  Hutchinsoiiian,  was  a  friend  in  England, 
who  had  emigrated  with  him,  a  man  of  wealth 
and  dignity,  who  afterwards  was  Governor  of 
Rhode  Island;  Mr.  Richard  Dnmmer,  who 
three  years  later  sent  the  Governor  £100  in 
his  pecuniary  ill-fortunes;  Mr.  John  Cogges- 
hall,  of  the  distinguished  family  of  Coggeshall, 
Suffolk,  a  close  friend  and  neighbor,  who 
became  the  first  Governor  of  Rhode  Island, 
and  in  spite  of  his  punishment  always  re- 
mained a  warm  friend  to  Winthrop;  "William 
Baulstone,  another  Suffolk  man,  was  fined 
£20,  and  left  Boston,  but  still  clung  to  the 
memory  of  his  early  life  and  old  friendship; 
Henry  Bull,  another  Rhode  Island  governor; 
William  Aspinwall,  Thomas  Savage,  Philip 
Sherman,  and  John  Underbill  were  among  the 
signers.  Some  afterwards  expressed  penitence 
and  were  forgiven. 

Early  in  the  day  Sir  Harry  Vane,  who  had 
been  appointed  Governor,  was  one  of  Anne 
Hutchinson's  converts,  and  had  been  sorely 
blamed  by  the  pastors  and  people  of  the  out- 
lying settlements,  as  being  responsible  for  all 
the  trouble;  and  I  cannot  doubt  that  his 
espousal  of  the  cause  was  of  vast  weight  in 
the  community.  He  therefore  called  the 
General  Court  together,  and  desired  leave  to 
280 


MISTRESS  AXNE  nUTCIIIXSOX 

resign  his  office.  In  view  of  the  rising  diffi- 
culties with  the  French  and  Indians,  this 
astonishing  request  was  not  at  once  heeded; 
but  the  young  Governor  "brake  into  tears," 
and  persisted  that  since  he  had  been  accused 
of  causing  these  miserable  dissensions,  it  was 
best  that  he  withdraw  from  office  and  the 
country.  He  was  allowed  to  vacate  his  office; 
but  ho  lingered  awhile  in  Boston,  and  had  to 
take  some  pretty  plain  talk  from  Hugh  Peter, 
when  the  latter  came  down  from  Salem,  to  the 
purpose  that  he  was  too  presuming  and  heady 
for  so  young  a  man.  And  perhaps  he  was, 
though,  in  view  of  his  later  life,  I  do  not  like 
to  think  he  did  aught  ill  in  his  youth. 

The  woman  who  fomented  all  this  trouljle 
has  been  variously  described.  She  has  been 
called  a  virago,  a  Jezebel,  an  impudent 
woman,  a  cunning  woman.  No  account  of  her 
personal  appearance  remains,  but  her  descend- 
ants have  been  remarkable  for  their  beauty. 
She  was  an  energetic  and  kindly  creature, 
who  not  only  administered  to  the  spiritual 
wants  of  her  fellow-citizcus,  but  took  care  of 
them  in  sickness,  and  was  helpful  in  many 
ways.  She  was  a  near  neighbor  of  Margaret 
Winthrop, — their  pitchers  were  filled  at  the 
same  spring,  which  still  flows  under  tho 
Boston  Post-office,  —  but  I  cannot  believe  that 
281 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

the  Governor's  wife  ever  attended  any  of  her 
meetings,  even  the  earlier  ones.  The  Gover- 
nor had  to  bear  many  personal  slights  in  this 
matter,  —  slights  which  must  have  hurt  his 
wife  through  him.  When  he  was  appointed 
Governor,  after  Vane's  failure  in  that  posi- 
tion, the  Boston  men,  who  had  acted  as 
Governor's  guards,  laid  down  their  halberds 
and  left  their  trusted  old  friend  without  a 
guard  of  honor.  The  indignant  colony  would 
have  sent  a  detail  for  duty  to  take  the  place 
of  these  insulting  Boston  men ;  and  Boston 
soon  churlishly  offered  another  guard,  which 
Winthrop  refused,  and  appointed  two  of  his 
own  servants  to  act  thus;  but  he  reminded 
his  neighbors  that  the  place  should  be  honored, 
whether  the  man  was  or  not. 

This  matter  of  the  insolent  guard  may 
appear  trivial  to  us  to-day,  but  it  was  not  so 
in  Winthrop's  time.  To  form  an  idea  of  the 
value  of  forms  and  ceremonies,  and  proper 
regard  to  dignity  in  that  day,  one  has  only 
to  read  the  early  history  of  Virginia;  neither 
starvation,  pestilence,  nor  absurd  incongrui- 
ties could  deter  the  colonists  from  a  pompous 
regard  of  etiquette  and  ceremony. 

There  is  a  grim  epilogue  to  this  religious 
drama.  Anne  Hutchinson  went  from  Massa- 
chusetts to  Rhode  Island,  "  surnamed  by  some 
282 


MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCHINSON 

the  Island  of  Errors."  Her  fate  may  be  told 
by  the  author  of  the  Rise,  Reigne  and  Ruine 
of  Antinomianism,  etc,  — 

''  Mistress  Hutchinson  being  wear}'  of  the  Island, 
or  rather  the  Island  weary  of  her,  departed  thence 
with  all  her  family,  her  daughter  and  her  children, 
to  live  under  the  Dutch  near  a  place  called  by  sea- 
men and  in  the  map,  Hell  Gate.  And  now  I  am 
come  to  the  last  act  of  her  tragedy,  a  most  heavy 
stroak  upon  herself  and  hers  as  I  received  it  very 
lately  from  a  godly  hand  in  New  England.  There 
the  Indians  set  upon  tliem  and  slew  her  and  all  her 
family,  and  her  daughter's  husband  and  all  their 
children  save  one  that  escaped,  a  dreadful  blow. 
Some  write  that  the  Indians  did  burn  her  to  death 
with  fire,  her  house  and  all  the  rest  named  that  be- 
longed to  her;  but  I  am  not  able  to  affirm  by  what 
kind  of  death  they  slew  her,  but  slain  she  is.  I 
never  heard  that  the  Indians  in  those  parts  did  ever 
before  this  commit  the  like  outrage  upon  any  one 
family  or  families;  and  therefore  Gods  hand  is 
more  apparently  seen  herein,  to  pick  out  this  woful 
woman,  to  make  her  and  those  belonging  to  her  an 
unheardof  heavy  example  of  their  cruelty." 

This  pious  accounting  for  ill  and  good  for- 
tune was,  to  use  a  very  vulgar  but  thoroughly 
expressive  comparison,  of  the  "heads  I  win, 
tails  you  lose,"  theory  of  Providence,  by  which 
our  Puritan  ancestors  always  explained  their 
own  successes  and  good  fortunes  as  a  mark  of 
288 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

the  evident  approval  of  God,  while  a  precisely 
similar  success  of  their  adversaries  —  were 
they  Indians,  Quakers,  or  Antinomians  —  was 
always  the  recompensing  reward  of  Satan  to 
his  followers;  and  their  own  ill-hap  was 
surely  the  work  of  the  devil  to  annoy  the 
saints,  while  the  ills  of  their  adversaries 
showed  the  triumph  of  the  Lord.  This  was, 
on  the  whole,  a  very  satisfactory  and  com- 
fortable arrangement;  far  more  adjustable  to 
circumstances  than  any  other  theory  could 
ever  prove.  So,  of  course,  when  Anne  Hutch- 
inson was  slain  by  Indians,  the  explanation 
and  assignable  cause  stood  on  an  altogether 
different  basis  than  when  John  Oldham  of 
Watertown  was  murdered  by  them.  Truly 
one  could  say  of  the  heavenly  ruler  of  the 
Puritans,  — 

"  God  moves  in  a  mysterious  way 
His  wonders  to  perform." 

The  colonists  reaped  a  sad  "aftermath  of 
vainglorious  weeds  "  as  a  result  of  the  broad- 
cast sowing  of  the  seed  of  the  Hutchinsonian 
heresies.  What  Shakespeare  called  "fanat- 
ical phantasms  "  filled  many  a  brain.  The 
"  venting  of  revelations  "  seems  to  need  little 
foundation  for  active  propagation  and  mis- 
chief-working,   save  a  voluble   tongue  and  a 

281 


MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCIIIXSON 

certain  vocabulary  of  mystical  terms ;  and 
Massachusetts  women  who  owned  the  former 
by  nature  soon  acquired  the  second  by  art  or 
imitation.  '  One  of  these  female  projjhets 
who  ultimately  proved  most  troublesome  to 
the  Massachusetts  mauistratcs,  was  Mary  Dyer, 
"the  wife  of  one  William  Dyer  a  milliner  in 
the  New  Exchange,  a  very  proper  and  fair 
woman,  and  both  of  them  notoriously  infected 
with  Mrs  Ilutchinsons  errors,  and  very  cen- 
sorious and  troublesome,  she  being  of  a  very 
proud  spirit  and  much  addicted  to  revela- 
tions." She  was  banished,  but  could  not  stay 
away  from  Boston,  —  that  attractive  field  for 
transccndentalists ;  and  when  she  returned, 
Governor  John  Winthrop  was  dead,  and  under 
a  more  bigoted  and  harsher  magistracy  she 
lost  her  life  on  the  scaffold. 

Poor,  unhappy  Massachusetts !  the  zeal  for 
prophesying  spread  from  Boston  to  neighbor- 
ing towns.     Winthrop  wrote :  — 

''The  devil  would  never  cease  to  disturb  our 
peace,  and  to  raise  up  instruments  one  after  another. 
Amongst  the  rest  there  was  a  woman  in  Salem,  one 
Oliver  his  wife  who  had  suffered  somewhat  in  Eng- 
land for  refusing  to  bow  at  the  name  of  Jesus 
though  otherwise  conformable  to  all  their  orders. 
She  was  for  ability  of  speech  and  appearance  of 
zeal  and  devotion  far  before  Mrs  Hutchinson,  and 
285 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

so  the  fitter  instrument  to  have  done  hurt,  but  that 
she  was  poor  and  bad  little  acquaintance.  .  .  .  This 
woman  was  adjudged  to  be  whipped  for  reproaching 
the  magistrates.  She  stood  without  tying,  and 
bare  her  punishment  with  a  masculine  spirit, 
glorying  in  her  suffering.  But  after  when  she 
came  to  consider  the  reproach  which  would  stick  to 
her  she  was  much  dejected  about  it.  She  had  a 
cleft  stick  put  on  her  tongue  half  an  hour  for 
reproaching  the  elders." 

"At  Providence  also  the  devil  was  not  idle. 
For  whereas  at  their  first  coming  thither,  Mr. 
Williams  and  the  rest  did  make  an  order  that  no 
man  should  be  molested  for  his  conscience,  now 
mens  wives  and  children  and  servants  claimed 
liberty  thereby  to  go  to  all  religious  meetings, 
though  never  so  often,  or  though  private,  upon  the 
week  days;  and  because  one  Verin  refused  to  let 
his  wife  go  to  Mr  Williams  so  oft  as  she  was 
called  for,  they  required  to  have  him  censured. 
But  there  stood  up  one  Arnold,  a  witty  man  of 
their  own  company,  and  withstood  it,  telling  them 
that  when  he  consented  to  that  order  he  never  in- 
tended it  should  extend  to  any  breach  of  the  ordi- 
nance of  God  such  as  the  subjection  of  wives  to 
their  husbands  &c.  and  gave  divers  solid  reasons 
against  it. 

"Then  one  Greene  replied  that  if  they  should 
restrain  their  wives  &c.  all  the  women  in  the  coun- 
try would  cry  out  of  them.  Arnold  answered  him 
thus ;  Did  you  pretend  to  leave  the  Massachusetts, 
because  you  would  not  offend  God  to  please  men, 
286 


MISTRESS  ANNE  HUTCHINSON 

and  would  you  now  break  a  command  and  ordi- 
nance of  God  to  ])lease  women.  Some  were  of 
opinion  tliat  if  Verin  would  not  suffer  his  wife  to 
have  her  liberty,  the  church  should  dispose  her  to 
some  other  man  who  would  use  her  better." 

When  we  read  of  all  these  sad  disorders, 
these  wretched  strains  upon  the  New  England 
church,  we  can  well  understand  the  vehemence 
with  which  that  old  Roxbury  gentleman, 
Thomas  Dudley,  ended  his  dying  message  or 
epitaph. 

"  Farewell  dear  wife,  children  and  friends, 
Hate  heresy,  make  blessed  ends. 
Bear  poverty,  live  with  good  men, 
So  shall  we  meet  with  joy  again. 
Let  men  of  God  in  courts  and  churches  watch 
O'er  such  as  do  a  toleration  hatch, 
Lest  that  ill  egg  bring  forth  a  cockatrice, 
To  poison  all  with  heresy  and  vice. 
If  men  be  left  and  otherwise  combine, 
My  epitaph 's  /  dy'd  no  libertine." 


287 


XI 

ACADIA   AND   NEW   ENGLAND 

There  was  one  episode  of  Margaret  Win- 
throp's  life  in  Boston  Avhich  deserves  more 
than  a  passing  reference ;  for  it  brought  an 
element  of  diversity,  of  Gallic  frivolity,  of 
romance,  into  that  rather  sad-colored  atmos- 
phere, which  must  have  been  most  exciting  to 
all  Boston,  and  specially  to  the  Governor  and 
his  wife.  I  refer  to  the  relations  of  Acadia 
■with  New  England,  to  the  visits  of  the  rival 
governors  of  that  northern  province.  La  Tour 
and  D'Aulnay,  and  also  the  more  surprising 
visit  of  Madam  La  Tour. 

Acadia  was  at  that  time  a  debatable  land ; 
even  its  name  was  uncertain,  for  it  was  also 
called  Nova  Scotia.  It  belonged  by  discovery 
to  the  English;  but  the  French  made  the 
earliest  successful  settlement,  and  secured  the 
confidence  and  assistance  of  the  Lidians.  In 
1632  Sieur  D'Aulnay  De  Charnis^  appeared  in 
Acadia  as  lieutenant  under  Pe  Razillai.  At 
the  latter 's  death,  in  1636,  D'Aulnay  claimed 

288 


ACADIA   AND  NEW  EX  GLAND 

to  be  successor  in  command.  Ilis  forts  were 
at  Pentagoct  (Penobscot)  and  at  Port  Royal 
(Annapolis).  Across  the  Bay  of  Fundy  was 
another  presumptive  governor,  Sir  Charles  St. 
Etienne  Sieur  de  la  Tour  of  France,  Baronet 
of  Nova  Scotia,  Avith  his  fort  at  the  mouth  of 
the  St.  John.  Both  were  trappers,  eager  to 
make  money,  eager  to  trade  with  New  Eng- 
land. La  Tour  was  a  shulfling,  intriguing, 
pleasing  fellow,  not  very  high-minded,  nor, 
in  the  light  of  our  scant  records,  very  cour- 
ageous. He  alone  was  not  at  all  a  match  for 
D'Auluay;  but  he  had  a  wife,  Frances  Mary 
Jacqueline,  who  had  all  the  qualities  he 
lacked,  and  the  twain  made  a  formidable 
enemy. 

Both  governors,  after  many  quarrels,  sought 
aid  in  France;  and  as  D'Aulnay  was  a  true 
and  devoted  Catholic,  he  naturally  found  most 
favor  there,  while  La  Tour  was  under  sus- 
picion of  harboring  Huguenots  and  Protes- 
tants, —  which  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
conditions  upon  which  the  grant  was  given  to 
the  Company  of  New  France.  He  certainly 
did  have  some  close  connections  with  tlie 
Protestants,  but,  like  ^lalvolio,  "The  devil  a 
Puritan  he  was,  or  anything  ])ut  a  time- 
pleaser. "  At  any  rate,  he  always  had  Roman 
Catholic  priests  about  him  at  St.  Johns;  and 
19  .    289 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

the  Company  of  New  France,  soon  "having 
knowledge  of  the  zeal  of  said  La  Tour  for  the 
Catholic  religion,"  made  to  him  an  extensive 
additional  concession  of  grants  of  land  at  Port 
Eoyal  and  Cape  Sable. 

Yet,  when  in  1641  he  sent  a  messenger  to 
Boston  seeking  aid,  he  had  the  craft,  perhaps 
I  should  say  the  good  sense,  to  employ  there- 
for one  Monsieur  Rochett,  a  Protestant;  and 
vp^hen  in  1642  "  La  Tour  his  lieutenant  "  came 
to  Boston  as  a  pleading  ambassador,  he  too 
played  his  part  of  interest  in  the  Puritan 
church,  and  did  not  forget  his  flattery.  Win- 
throp  made  this  confiding  entry  at  this  date 
in  his  journal :  — 

''They  brought  letters  from  La  Tour  the  gover- 
nor full  of  compliments  and  desire  of  assistance 
from  us  against  Monsieur  D'Aulnay.  They  staid 
about  a  week  and  were  kindly  entertained;  and 
though  they  were  papists  they  came  to  our  church 
meetings;  and  the  lieutenant  seemed  to  be  much 
affected  to  find  things  as  he  did,  and  professed  he 
never  saw  as  good  order  in  any  place.  One  of  the 
elders  gave  him  a  Testament  with  Marlorats  notes, 
which  he  kindly  accepted  and  promised  to  read  it." 

We  do  not  need  to  be  told  that  the  fervent 

prayers  of   the  good   Governor  and   his  wife 

Margaret   accompanied    this   diplomatic    and 

truckling  lieutenant  on  his   journey  back  to 

290 


ACADIA  AXD  NEW  ENGLAND 

Acadia,  — that  he  might  be  a  brand  phickcd 
from  the  burning. 

The  next  arrival  and  visit  of  La  Tour  must 
be  told  in  Governor  Winthrop's  own  words. 
To  me  it  is  a  most  graphic  and  interesting 
description  written  in  a  strikingly  lucid  style, 
which  enables  any  reader  with  the  slightest 
creative  imagination  to  see  clearly  not  only 
the  picture  of  the  interviews,  but  the  char- 
acter of  the  two  men;  the  Gallic  effusiveness, 
insincerity,  and  persuasiveness  standing  out 
as  plainly  as  the  somewhat  ceremonious  and 
formal  but  thoroughly  upright  and  hosjjitable 
nature  of  the  Puritan. 

Governor  La  Tour's  arrival  in  April,  1643, 
is  thus  recorded  by  Governor  Winthrop  in  his 
History  of  New  England :  — 

"  Mr.  La  Tour  arrived  here  in  a  ship  of  140  tons, 
and  140  persons.  The  ship  came  from  Rochelle, 
the  master  and  his  company  were  protestants. 
There  were  two  friars  and  two  women  sent  to 
wait  upon  La  Tour  his  lady.  Tliey  came  in 
with  a  fair  wind,  witliout  any  notice  taken  of 
them.  They  took  a  pilot  out  of  one  of  our  boats 
at  sea,  and  left  one  of  their  men  in  his  place. 
Capt.  Gibbons'  wife  and  children  passed  by  the 
ship  as  they  were  going  to  their  farm,  but  being 
discovered  to  La  Tour  by  one  of  his  gentlemen 
who  knew  her,  La  Tour  manned  out  a  shallop, 
291 


MARGARET   WINTIIROP 

wTiicli  he  towed  after  him  to  go  speak  with 
her.  She  seeing  such  a  company  of  strangers 
making  towards  her,  hastened  to  get  from  them, 
-and  landed  at  the  governour's  garden.  La  Tour 
landed  presently  after  her,  and  there  found  the 
governour  and  his  wife,  and  two  of  his  sons,  and 
hi-s  son's  wife,  and  after  mutual  salutations  he 
told  the  governour  the  cause  of  his  coming,  viz. 
that  his  ship  being  sent  him  out  of  France, 
D'  Aulnay,  his  old  enemy,  had  so  blocked  up  the 
river  to  his  fort  at  St.  John's,  with  two  ships 
and  a  galliot,  as  his  ship  could  not  get  in,  where- 
upon he  stole  by  in  the  night  in  his  shallop,  and 
•was  come  to  crave  aid  to  convey  him  into  his  fort. 
"  The  governour  answered  that  he  could  say  noth- 
ing to  it  till  he  had  conferred  with  other  of  the  mag- 
istrates ;  so  after  supper  he  went  with  him  to  Boston 
in  La  Tour's  boat,  having  sent  his  own  boat  to 
Boston  to  carry  home  Mrs.  Gibbons.  Divers  boats, 
having  passed  by  him,  had  given  notice  hereof  to 
Boston  and  Charlestown,  his  ship  also  arriving 
before  Boston,  the  towns  betook  them  to  their 
arms,  and  three  shallops  with  armed  men  came 
forth  to  meet  the  governour  and  to  guard  him 
home.  But  here  the  Lord  gave  us  occasion  to 
take  notice  of  our  weakness,  etc.,  for  if  La  Tour 
had  been  ill  minded  towards  us,  he  had  such  an 
opportunity  as  we  hope  neither  he  nor  any  other 
shall  ever  have  the  like  again;  for  coming  by  our 
castle  and  saluting  it,  there  was  none  to  answer 
him,  for  the  last  court  had  given  order  to  have  the 
castle-Island  deserted,  a  great  part  of  the  work 
292 


ACADIA  AXD  XE]V  EXGLAXD 

lieing  fallen  down,  etc.,  so  as  he  might  have  taken 
all  the  ordnance  there.  Then,  liaving  the  gover- 
noiu-  and  his  familj^,  and  Captain  Gibbons'  wife, 
etc.,  in  his  power,  he  might  have  gone  and  spoiled 
Boston,  and  having  so  many  men  ready,  they  might 
have  taken  two  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  gone  away 
without  danger  or  resistance,  but  his  neglecting 
this  opportunity  gave  us  assurance  of  his  true  mean- 
ing. So  being  landed  at  Boston,  the  governour, 
with  a  sufficient  guard,  brought  him  to  his  lodging 
at  Captain  Gibbons'.  This  gave  further  assurance 
that  he  intended  us  no  evil,  because  he  voluntarily 
put  his  person  in  our  power. 

"  The  next  day  the  governour  called  together  such 
of  the  magistrates  as  were  at  hand,  and  some  of  the 
deputies,  and  propounding  the  cause  to  them,  and 
La  Tour  being  present,  and  the  captain  of  his  ship, 
etc.,  he  showed  his  commission,  which  was  fairly 
engrossed  in  parchment  under  the  hand  and  seal  of 
the  Vice  Admiral  of  France,  and  grand  prior,  etc., 
to  bring  supply  to  La  Tour,  whom  he  styled  his 
majesty's  lieutenant  general  of  L'Acadye,  and  also 
a  letter  from  the  agent  of  the  company  of  France  to 
whom  he  hath  reference,  informing  him  of  the  in- 
jurious practices  of  D'Aulnay  against  him,  and 
advising  him  to  look  to  himself,  etc.,  and  super- 
scribed to  him  as  lieutenant  general,  etc.  Upon 
this  it  appeared  to  us,  (that  being  dated  in  April 
last,)  that  notwithstanding  the  news  which  D'Aul- 
nay had  sent  to  our  governour  the  last  year,  whereby 
La  Tour  was  proclaimed  a  rebel,  etc.,  yet  he  stood 
in  good  terms  with  the  state  of  France,  and  also 
293 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

with  the  compaBy.  Whereupon,  though  we  could 
not  grant  him  aid  without  advice  of  the  other  com- 
missioners of  our  confederacy,  yet  we  thought  it  not 
fit  nor  just  to  hinder  any  that  would  be  willing  to 
be  hired  to  aid  him;  and  accordingly  we  answered 
him  that  we  would  allow  him  a  free  mercate,  that 
he  might  hire  any  ships  which  lay  in  our  harbor, 
etc.  This  answer  he  was  very  well  satisfied  with 
and  took  very  thankfully;  he  also  desired  leave  to 
land  his  men,  that  they  might  refresh  themselves, 
which  was  granted  him,  so  they  landed  in  small 
companies,  that  our  women,  etc.,  might  not  be 
affrighted  by  them.  This  direction  was  duly 
observed. 

''But  the  training  day  at  Boston  falling  out  the 
next  week,  and  La  Tour  having  requested  that  he 
might  be  permitted  to  exercise  his  soldiers  on  shore, 
we  expected  him  that  day,  so  he  landed  40  men  in 
their  arms,  (they  were  all  shot).  They  were  brought 
into  the  field  by  our  train  band,  consisting  of  150, 
and  in  the  forenoon  they  only  beheld  our  men  exer- 
cise. When  they  had  dined,  (La  Tour  and  his 
oflficers  with  our  officers,  and  his  soldiers  invited 
home  by  the  private  soldiers,)  in  the  afternoon 
they  were  permitted  to  exercise,  (our  governour 
and  other  of  the  magistrates  coming  then  into 
the  field,)  and  all  ours  stood  and  beheld  them. 
They  were  very  expert  in  all  their  postures  and 
motions. 

"When  it  was  near  night.  La  Tour  desired  our 
governour  that  his  men  might  have  leave  to  depart, 
which  being  granted,  his  captain  acquainted  our 
294 


ACADIA  AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

captain  therewith,  so  he  drew  our  men  into  a  march, 
and  the  French  fell  into  the  middle.  When  they 
were  to  depart,  they  gave  a  volley  of  shot  and  went 
to  their  boat,  the  French  showing  much  admiration 
to  see  so  many  men  of  one  town  so  well  armed  and 
disciplined,  La  Tour  professing  he  could  not  have 
believed  it,  if  he  had  not  seen  it.  Our  governour 
and  others  in  the  town  entertained  La  Tour  and  his 
gentlemen  with  much  courtesy,  both  in  their  houses 
and  at  table.  La  Tour  came  dul}'-  to  our  church 
meetings,  and  always  accompanied  the  governour 
to  and  from  thence,  who  all  the  time  of  his  abode 
here  was  attended  with  a  good  guard  of  halberts 
and  musketeers. 

''But  the  rumor  of  these  things  soon  spreading 
through  the  country,  were  diversely  apprehended, 
not  only  by  the  common  sort,  but  also  by  the  elders, 
whereof  some  in  their  sermons  spoke  against  their 
entertainment,  and  the  aid  permitted  them;  others 
spake  in  the  justification  of  both.  One  [blank]  a 
judicious  minister,  hearing  that  leave  was  granted 
them  to  exercise  their  men  in  Boston,  out  of  his 
fear  of  popish  leagues,  and  care  of  our  safety,  spake 
as  in  way  of  prediction,  that,  before  that  day  were 
ended,  store  of  blood  would  be  spilled  in  Boston. 
Divers  also  wrote  to  the  governour,  la^ang  before 
him  great  dangers,  others  charging  sin  upon  the 
conscience  of  all  these  proceedings;  so  as  he  was 
forced  to  write  and  publish  tlie  true  state  of  the 
cause,  and  the  reasons  of  all  their  proceedings, 
which  satisfied  many,  but  not  all.  Also,  the  mas- 
ters and  others,  who  were  to  go  in  the  ships, 
295 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

desired  advice  about  their  proceedings,  etc.  where- 
upon the  governour  appointed  another  meeting,  to 
which  all  the  near  magistrates  and  deputies,  and 
the  elders  also  were  called,  and  there  the  matter 
was   debated  upon  these  heads. 

"1.  Whether  it  were  lawful  for  Christians  to 
aid  idolaters,  and  how  far  we  may  hold  com- 
munion with  them? 

'*2.  ^^Hiether  it  were  safe  for  our  state  to  suffer 
him  to  have  aid  from  us  against  D'Aulnay?  " 

"In  the  evening  La  Tour  took  ship,  the  gover- 
nour and  divers  of  the  chief  of  the  town  accom- 
panying him  to  his  boat.  There  went  with  him 
four  of  our  ships  and  a  pinnace.  He  hired  them 
for  two  months,  the  chiefest,  which  had  16  pieces 
of  ordnance,  at  200  pounds  the  month;  yet  she 
was  of  but  100  tons,  but  very  well  manned  and 
fitted  for  fight,  and  the  rest  proportionable.  The 
owners  took  only  his  own  security  for  their  pay. 
He  entertained  also  about  TO  land  soldiers,  vol- 
unteers, at  40s.  per  month  a  man,  but  he  paid 
them  somewhat  in  hand." 

''Three  errors  the  governour,  etc.,  committed  in 
managing  this  business.  1.  In  giving  La  Tour  an 
answer  so  suddenly  (the  very  next  day  after  his 
arrival).  2.  In  not  advising  with  any  of  the  elders, 
as  their  manner  was  in  matters  of  less  consequence. 
3.  In  not  calling  upon  God,  as  they  were  wont  to 
do  in  all  public  affairs,  before  they  fell  to  consul- 
tation, etc. 

''The  occasions  of  these  errors  were,  first,  their 
296 


ACADIA   AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

earnest  desire  to  despatch  him  away,  and  conceiv- 
ing at  first  thej'-  should  have  given  him  tlie  same  an- 
swer they  gave  his  lieutenant  the  last  year,  for  they 
had  not  then  seen  the  Vice  Admiral's  commission. 

2.  Not  then  conceiving  any  need  of  counsel,  the 
elders  never  came  into  the   governour's  thoughts. 

3.  La  Tour  and  many  of  the  French  coming  into 
them  at  first  meeting,  and  some  taking  occasion  to 
fall  in  parley  with  them,  there  did  not  ajjpear  then 
a  fit  opportunity  for  so  solemn  an  action  as  calling 
upon  God,  being  in  the  midst  of  their  business  be- 
fore they  were  aware  of  it.  But  this  fault  hath  been 
many  times  found  in  the  governour  to  be  over- 
sudden  in  his  resolutions,  for  although  the  course 
■were  both  warrantable  and  safe,  yet  it  had  beseemed 
men  of  wisdom  and  gravity  to  have  proceeded  with 
more  deliberation  and  further  advice." 

There  is  much  to  be  noted  in  this  story.  We 
can  sec  the  impression  made  upon  Winthrop 
through  the  fact  that  the  master  and  his  com- 
pany were  Protestants,  and  that  the  insincere 
Frenchman  attended  faithfully  all  the  church 
meetings;  and  we  can  surmise  the  inferential 
hearing  of  the  statement  that  the  two  friars 
were  sent  for  Madam  La  Tour.  We  can  read 
between  the  lines  the  punctilious  Governor's 
intense  mortification  at  the  exceedingly  infor- 
mal and  even  undignified  condition  of  ail'airs 
upon  the  arrival  of  the  stranger;  the  Castle 
Island  and  fort  deserted,  and  hence  no  wcl- 
297 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

coming  (and  also  threatening)  salute.  And 
no  governor  would  wish  to  have  the  ruler  of  a 
neighboring  state  heralded  solely  by  the  hur- 
ried words  of  a  badly  scared  woman-neigh- 
bor. We  find  Winthrop  trying  to  recover  his 
wounded  dignity,  and  to  eradicate  the  lower- 
ing impression  by  bourgeoning  throughout 
the  remainder  of  La  Tour's  stay  with  an 
imposing  guard  of  soldiers,  and  recounting 
the  Frenchman's  praise  of  the  discipline  of 
the  Boston  soldiers. 

The  closing  sentences  show  the  Governor's 
trials  in  the  matter,  the  annoying  advice 
which  he  received,  and  the  equally  harass- 
ing advice  he  had  to  give.  And  his  frank 
recounting  and  explanation  of  his  "three 
errors  "  shows  his  truthfulness  and  painstak- 
ing, not  only  to  do  right,  but  to  do  right  just 
in  the  way  his  people  wished  him  to  do.  He 
was  glad  enough  to  be  well  rid  of  the  French- 
man; but  others  of  their  ilk  were  quickly  to 
follow,  and  Madam  La  Tour  arrived  a  few 
days  after  her  husband's  departure. 

''The  Lady  La  Tour  arrived  here  in  a  ship  set 
forth  from  Londou  by  Alderman  Berkley  and  Cap- 
tain Bayley.  They  were  bound  for  La  Tour's  fort, 
and  set  forth  in  the  spring,  but  spent  so  much 
time  in  trading  by  the  way,  etc.,  as  when  they 
came  at  Cape  Sable,  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  came  up 
298 


ACADIA  AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

to  them  in  a  ship  from  France,  so  as  they  durst  not 
discover  what  they  were,  but  stood  along  for 
Boston.  The  lady,  being  arrived,  brouglit  her 
action  against  them  for  delaying  her  so  long  at 
sea,  whereby  she  lost  the  opportunity  of  relieving 
her  fort,  and  must  be  at  excessive  charges  to  get 
thither.  The  cause  was  openly  hoard  at  a  special 
court  at  Boston  before  all  the  magistrates,  and  a 
jury  of  principal  men  impanelled,  (most  mer- 
chants and  seamen,)  and  the  charter  party  being 
read,  and  witnesses  produced,  it  appeared  to  the 
court,  that  they  had  broken  charter  party,  so  as 
the  jury  gave  her  2000  pounds  damages.  Where- 
upon the  cargo  of  the  ship  was  seized  in  execution 
(so  much  of  it  as  could  be  found)  and  being  meal, 
and  peas,  and  trading  stuff,  etc.,  and  being  ap- 
praised by  four  men,  sworn  etc.,  it  was  found  to 
the  value  of  1100  pounds.  The  defendants  desired 
liberty  till  the  next  year  to  bring  a  review,  pre- 
tending they  had  evidence  in  England,  etc.  It 
was  granted  them,  and  they  were  offered  to  have 
all  their  goods  again,  (except  100  pounds  for  de- 
fraying the  lady's  present  charges  in  Boston,  for 
which  thej^  should  have  good  security,  etc.,)  so  as 
they  would  put  in  security  to  answer  the  whole 
2000  pounds,  if  they  did  not  reverse  the  judgment 
■within  the  year.  This  they  refused,  and  would 
give  security  for  no  more  than  what  they  should 
receive  back;  whereupon  the  execution  proceeded. 
But  the  master  of  the  ship  brought  his  action  upon 
the  goods  in  execution  for  security  for  his  freight 
and  men's  wages  (which  did  amount  to  near  the 
299 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

whole  extended).  The  jury  found  against  him, 
whereupon  at  the  next  general  court  he  petitioned 
for  redress.  A  great  part  of  the  court  was  of 
opinion,  that  the  goods,  being  his  security  by 
charter  party,  ought  not  to  be  taken  from  him  upon 
the  execution,  and  most  of  the  deputies,  and  the 
deputy  governour,  and  some  others  of  the  magis- 
trates voted  that  way;  but  the  greater  part  of  the 
magistrates  being  of  the  other  side,  he  would  not 
be  relieved.  The  lady  was  forced  to  give  700 
pounds  to  three  ships  to  carry  her  home." 

Winthrop  and  the  government  were  destined 
to  bitter  reprisal  for  this  friendliness,  —  both 
in  London,  where  two  New  England  gentle- 
men were  arrested  and  fined  for  the  decision 
in  favor  of  the  lady,  and  in  the  anger  of 
D'Anlnay. 

A  visit  of  D'Aulnay's  ambassadors  is  told 
in  equally  spirited  and  graphic  language :  — 

''Being  the  Lord's  day,  and  the  people  ready  to 
go  to  the  assembly  after  dinner,  Monsieur  Marie 
and  Monsieur  Loviis,  with  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  his 
secretary,  arrived  at  Boston  in  a  small  pinnace, 
and  major  Gibbons  sent  two  of  his  chief  officers  to 
meet  them  at  the  water  side,  who  conducted  them 
to  their  lodgings  sine  strejntu.  The  public  wor- 
ship being  ended,  the  governour  repaired  home, 
and  sent  major  Gibbons,  with  other  gentlemen, 
with  a  guard  of  musketeers  to  attend  them  to  the 
governour's  house,  who,  meeting  them  without  his 
300 


ACADTA  AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

door,  carried  them  into  his  house,  where  they  were 
entertained  with  wine  and  sweetmeats,  and  after  a 
while  he  accompanied  them  to  their  lodgings  (being 
the  house  of  major  Gibbons,  where  they  were  en- 
tertained that  night.)  The  next  morning  they 
repaired  to  the  governour,  and  delivered  him  their 
commission,  which  was  in  form  of  a  letter  directed 
to  the  governour  and  magistrates.  It  was  open, 
but  had  a  seal  only  let  into  the  paper  with  a  label. 
Their  diet  was  provided  at  the  ordinary,  where  the 
magistrates  use  to  diet  in  court  times;  and  the 
governour  accompanies  them  always  at  meals. 
Their  manner  was  to  repair  to  the  governour's 
house  every  morning  about  eight  of  the  clock,  who 
accompanied  tliem  to  the  place  of  meeting;  and 
at  niglit  either  himself  or  some  of  tlie  commis- 
sioners accompanied  them  to  their  lodging. 

"It  was  the  third  day  at  noon  before  our  commis- 
sioners could  come  together.  When  they  were  met 
they  propounded  great  injuries  and  damages,  sus- 
tained by  Captain  Hawkins  and  our  men,  in  assist- 
ance of  La  Tour,  and  would  have  engaged  our  gov- 
ernment therein.  We  denied  that  we  had  any  hand, 
either  by  commission  or  permission  in  that  action. 
We  only  gave  way  to  La  Tour  to  hire  assistance  to 
conduct  his  ship  home,  according  to  the  request 
made  to  us  in  the  commission  of  the  vice  admiral 
of  France.  And  for  that  which  was  done  by  our 
men  bej'ond  our  commission,  we  showed  ^lonsieur 
D'Aulnay's  letter  to  our  governour,  by  Captain 
Bayley,  wherein  he  writes,  that  the  king  of  Franco 
had  laid  all  the  blame  upon  the  vice  admiral,  and 
301 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

commanded  him  not  to  break  with  us,  upon  that 
occasion.  We  also  alleged  that  the  peace  formerly 
concluded  without  any  reservation  of  those  things. 
They  replied,  that  howsoever  the  king  of  France 
had  remitted  his  own  interest,  yet  he  had  not  nor 
intended  to  deprive  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  of  his 
private  satisfaction.  Here  they  did  stick  two 
days.  Their  commissioners  alleged  damages  to 
the  value  of  8000  pounds,  but  did  not  stand  upon 
the  value.  They  would  have  accepted  of  very 
small  satisfaction,  if  we  would  have  acknowledged 
any  guilt  in  our  government.  In  the  end  they 
came  to  this  conclusion;  we  accepted  their  com- 
missioner's answer,  in  satisfaction  of  those  things 
we  had  charged  upon  Monsieur  D'Aulnay,  and 
they  accepted  our  answer  for  clearing  our  govern- 
ment of  what  he  had  charged  upon  us;  and  because 
we  could  not  free  Captain  Hawkins  and  the  other 
voluntaries  of  what  they  had  done,  we  were  to 
send  a  small  present  to  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  in 
satisfaction  of  that,  and  so  all  injuries  and  demands 
to  be  remitted,  and  so  a  final  peace  to  be  concluded. 
"Accordingly  we  sent  Monsieur  D'Aulnaj"  by  his 
commissioners  a  very  fair  new  sedan,  (worth  forty 
or  fifty  pounds  where  it  was  made,  but  of  no  use  to 
us,)  sent  by  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  to  a  lady  his 
sister,  and  taken  in  the  West  Indies  by  Captain 
Cromwell,  and  by  him  given  to  our  governor. 
This  the  commissioners  very  well  accepted;  and  so 
the  agreement  being  signed  in  several  instruments, 
by  the  commissioners  of  both  parts,  on  28  day  of 
the  same  month,  they  took  leave  and  departed  to 
302 


ACADIA  AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

their  pinnace,  the  governour  and  our  commissioners 
accompanying  them  to  their  boat,  attended  with  a 
guard  of  musketeers,  and  gave  them  five  guns  from 
Boston,  three  from  Charlestown,  and  five  from 
Castle  Island,  and  we  sent  them  aboard  a  quarter 
cask  of  sack  and  some  mutton.  They  answered  all 
our  salutations  with  such  small  pieces  as  they  had, 
and  so  set  sail,  major  Sedgwick  and  some  other 
gentlemen  accompanying  them  as  far  as  Castle 
Island.  The  Lord's  day  they  were  here,  the  gov- 
ernour, acquainting  them  with  our  manner,  that 
all  men  either  come  to  our  public  meetings,  or 
keep  themselves  quiet  in  their  houses,  and  finding 
that  the  place  where  they  lodged  would  not  be  con- 
venient for  them  that  day,  invited  them  home  to 
his  house,  where  they  continued  private  all  that 
day  until  sunset,  and  made  use  of  such  books, 
Latin  and  French,  as  he  had,  and  the  liberty  of  a 
private  walk  in  his  garden,  and  so  gave  no 
offence,  etc." 

There  was  much  of  interest  in  these  visits 
of  the  Acadian  Governors.  The  eklers  found 
it  in  meeting  those  of  another  faith  and  of 
intelligence,  — 

"Of  the  two  friars  which  came  in  this  ship,  the 
one  was  a  very  learned  acute  man.  Divers  of  our 
elders  who  had  conference  with  him  reported  so  of 
him.  They  came  not  into  the  town,  lest  they 
should  give  offence,  but  once,  being  brought  by- 
some  to  see  Mr.  Cotton  and  confer  with  him,  and 
803 


MARGARET   WINTUROP 

when  they  came  to  depart,  the  chief  came  to  take 
leave  of  the  governour  and  the  two  elders  of 
Boston,  and  showed  himself  very  thankful  for  the 
courtesy  they  found  among  us." 

The  general  public  found  it  in  the  various 
events  —  often  disorderly — which  .always  take 
place  when  a  ship-load  of  foreif]^ners  is  turned 
loose  in  a  small  seaport  town.  Winthrop 
gave  this  account  of  one  amusing  occurrence : 

''  There  fell  out  a  troublesome  business  at  Boston, 
upon  this  occasion.  There  arrived  here  a  Portugal 
ship  with  salt,  having  in  it  two  Englishmen  only. 
One  of  these  happened  to  be  drunk,  and  was  carried 
to  his  lodging,  and  the  constable,  (a  godly  man, 
and  zealous  against  such  disorders,)  hearing  of  it, 
found  him  out,  being  upon  his  bed  asleep,  so  he 
awaked  him,  and  led  him  to  the  stocks,  there  being 
no  magistrate  at  home.  He  being  in  the  stocks, 
one  of  La  Tour's  gentlemen  lifted  up  the  stocks 
and  let  him  out.  The  constable,  hearing  of  it, 
went  to  the  Frenchman,  (being  then  gone  and 
quiet,)  and  would  needs  carry  him  to  the  stocks; 
the  Frenchman  offered  to  yield  himself  to  go  to 
prison,  but  the  constable,  not  understanding  his 
language,  pressed  him  to  go  to  the  stocks;  the 
Frenchman  resisted  and  drew  his  sword;  with  that 
company  came  in  and  disarmed  him,  and  carried 
him  by  force  to  the  stocks,  but  soon  after  the  con- 
stable took  him  out  and  carried  him  to  prison,  and 
presently  after  took  him  forth  again  and  delivered 
304 


ACADIA  AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

him  to  La  Tour.  Much  tumult  there  was  about 
this;  man}'  Frenchmen  were  in  town,  and  other 
strangers,  which  were  not  satisfied  with  this 
dealing  of  the  constable,  yet  were  quiet.  In  the 
morning  the  magistrates  examined  the  cause  and 
sent  for  La  Tour,  who  was  much  grieved  for  his 
servant's  miscarriage,  and  also  for  the  disgrace  put 
upon  him,  (for  in  France  it  is  a  most  ignominious 
thing  to  be  laid  in  the  stocks,)  but  yet  he  com- 
plained not  of  any  injury,  but  left  him  wholly  to 
the  magistrates  to  do  with  him  what  they  pleased. 
Tlie  magistrates  told  him,  they  were  sorry  to  have 
any  such  occasion  against  any  of  his  servants,  but 
they  must  do  justice,  and  therefore  they  must 
commit  him  to  prison,  except  he  could  find  sureties 
to  be  forth  coming,  to  answer,  etc.,  and  to  keep  the 
peace.  La  Tour's  gentlemen  offered  to  engage 
themselves  for  him.  They  answered,  they  might 
not  take  security  of  strangers  in  this  case,  other- 
wise they  would  have  desired  no  more  than  La 
Tour's  own  word.  Upon  this  two  Englishmen, 
members  of  the  church  of  Boston,  standing  by, 
offered  to  be  his  sureties,  whereupon  he  was  bailed 
till  he  should  be  called  for,  because  La  Tour  was 
not   like  to  stay  till  the  court." 

Very  soon  after  Madam  La  Tour's  perilous 
return  to  her  husband,  he  left  his  brave  wife 
to  keep  his  fort  against  D'Aulnay,  and  again 
went  to  Boston  to  seek  further  aid.  This  time 
generous  Mr.  ^Laverick  took  him  into  his 
home,  and  bore  with  him  and  his  com[)Iaiuts 
20  .  305    • 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

for  many  months.  Frances  Mary  La  Tour, 
loft  alone  in  her  husband's  fort,  with  but  few 
soldiers  and  scant  provisions,  in  the  bleak  and 
bitter  Northern  winter,  promptly  turned  out 
of  her  garrison  "the  friars  and  their  confed- 
erates," —  which  does  not  look  as  if  she  were 
the  priest-lover  of  the  twain.  It  was,  per- 
haps, a  natural  step  to  be  rid  of  those  who 
only  ate  and  said  mass  but  would  not  fight; 
but  it  was  not  a  very  wise  one,  for  the 
spiritual  fathers  went  at  once  to  their  devout 
friend  D'Aulnay,  and  told  him  the  weakness 
of  the  woman-commanded  garrison.  He  col- 
lected his  ships  and  his  forces,  and  at  once 
assailed  Madam's  fort,  and  was  repulsed  by 
this  Canadian  French  Joan  of  Arc,  with  great 
loss  of  life  among  D'Aulnay's  soldiers.  He 
rallied,  and  after  a  second  and  violent  attack 
of  three  days  and  three  nights,  through  "  assault 
and  escalado,"  and  the  bribery  of  a  Swiss 
guard,  on  Easter  Sunday  he  got  within  the 
walls,  where  the  brave  woman  only  surren- 
dered (so  one  account  says)  upon  condition 
that  the  lives  of  all  within  the  fort  be  spared. 
If  this  promise  were  given,  D'Aulnay  shame- 
lessly broke  it;  for  all  were  ignominiously 
hanged  save  two,  —  one  who  turned  execu- 
tioner, and  Madam  La  Tour  herself,  who, 
standing  with  a  halter  around  her  neck  like 
306 


ACADIA  AND  NEW  ENGLAND 

a  degraded  felon,  witnessed  the  death  of  her 
friends  and  followers.  It  broke  her  valiant 
yet  womanly  heart;  she  died  in  three  weeks 
"  of  grief  and  vexation. "  D'Aulnay,  further  to 
loot  the  deserted  fort,  carried  off  ten  thousand 
pounds  worth  of  "jewels,  plate,  household 
furniture,  ordnance  and  other  valuables." 
Winthrop  wrote  with  caustic  good  sense: 

**The  more  was  his  folly  to  leave  so  much  sub- 
stance in  so  great  dangei',  when  he  might  have 
brought  the  most  of  it  to  Boston,  whereby  he  might 
have  discliarged  his  engagements  of  more  than  2500 
pounds  to  Major  Edward  Gibbons,  (who  by  this 
loss  was  now  quite  undone,)  and  might  have  had 
somewhat  to  have  maintained  himself  and  his 
men;  for  want  thereof  his  servants  were  forced  to 
go  out  of  the  country,  some  to  the  Dutch,  and 
others  to  France,  and  he  himself  to  lie  at  other 
men's  charge." 

Monsieur  La  Tour  would  now  seem  to  be 
also  "  quite  undone, "  —  but  not  so  the  resilient 
Frenchman.  He  sailed  away  to  Newfound- 
land, and  then  back  to  Boston,  then  off  to 
Hudson's  Bay,  ever  turning  round  the  Protes- 
tant side  of  the  shield  when  he  found  con- 
fiding Englishmen  to  trust  him  with  more 
money,  until  at  last  D'Aulnay  died;  so  once 
more  Acadia  became  his  goal.  But  not  in 
war  came  this  man  of  experience;  why  fight 

307 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

for  forts,  and  land  tracts,  and  fishing  rights, 
and  the  ten  thousand  pounds  worth  of  mov- 
ables, when  all  might  be  speedily  and  blood- 
lessly  settled  in  the  courts  of  love  ?  There 
was  a  Governor's  widow,  and  Jane  Moten 
D'Aulnay  was  a  willing  arbitrator  in  these 
peaceful  lists ;  and  with  her  letters  patent  of 
the  original  grant  to  husband  D'Aulnay,  and 
fresh  letters  and  grants  to  new  husband  La 
Tour  for  "  forty-two  years  spent  in  converting 
savages  to  the  Catholic  religion,"  the  wedded 
pair  started  happily  a  new  life, — with  but 
scant  thought,  I  fear,  for  the  brave  Catholic 
soldier-husband  and  the  brave  heart-broken 
soldier-wife. 


308 


XII 

PUBLIC   EVENTS   AND   CLOSING   DAYS 

On  many  of  the  details  of  Winthrop's  pub- 
lic life  I  shall  dwell  but  shortly  in  this  biog- 
raphy of  his  wife.  They  have  all  been  told 
in  graphic  language  in  his  journal,  and  with 
corroborative  evidence  from  other  sources  in 
many  histories  of  New  England.  Under  his 
government  it  early  became  a  law,  in  1631, 
that  none  should  be  freemen  who  were  not 
church-members;  this,  of  course,  simplified 
government.  In  1G3-1  was  established  the  Rep- 
resentative System  of  New  England,  by  which 
each  town  sent  deputies  to  assist  in  making 
laws.  In  1641  a  code  of  laws  was  adopted, 
called  the  Body  of  Liberties,  drawn  up,  curi- 
ously enough,  not  by  a  magistrate,  but  by  a 
minister,  Nathaniel  Ward,  the  "  Simple  Cob- 
bler of  Agawam. "  Hawthorne  says  of  him, 
"He  hammered  his  sole  so  faithfully  and 
stitched  his  upper  leathers  so  well  that  the 
shoe  is  hardly  yet  worn  out."     Till  then  there 


MARGARET   WINTEROP 

had  been  no  statutes  for  administration  of 
justice,  and  no  direct  recognition  of  the  Com- 
mon Law  of  England;  everj-thing  was  at  the 
absolute  discretion  of  the  magistrates.  These 
laws  were  not  printed  until  1649.  The  whole 
Body  of  Liberties,  with  Ward's  preamble,  as 
adopted  in  1641,  was  not  printed  till  two  cen- 
turies later.  It  was  a  most  humane  body  of 
laws  for  the  times,  with  but  eleven  capital 
offences  to  the  thirty-two  of  English  laws. 
In  1643  counties  were  set  off,  and  naturally 
named  for  English  shires:  Suffolk,  with  Bos- 
ton at  its  head,  and  seven  other  towns; 
Norfolk,  with  Salisbury  at  its  head,  and  five 
other  towns ;  Middlesex,  with  Charlestown  at 
its  head,  and  eight  other  towns ;  thus  had  the 
Commonwealth  grown.  In  1636  the  College 
was  endowed,  named  Harvard  in  1638,  and 
held  its  first  Commencement  in  1642.  Gram- 
mar schools  were  ordered  by  the  Court  in  all 
the  towns ;  the  "  ffountaines  of  learning  "  in 
the  new  world  were  never  corrupted,  but  were 
ever  stimulated  and  increased. 

The  public  life  of  Governor  Winthrop  in 
Boston  brought  him  through  some  troubled 
waters,  not  only  in  the  adjustment  of  impor- 
tant matters  of  state,  but  in  petty  annoyances. 
His  inharmonious  relations  with  Governor 
Dudley  seem  to  have  been  the  most  incessant 
310 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

and  most  irritating.  Thomas  Dudley  was  a 
man  of  as  marked  character  and  strong  will 
as  Winthrop,  and,  by  Winthrop's  own  testi- 
mony, "  of  approved  wisdom  and  godliness  and 
of  much  good  service  to  the  country."  He 
had  had  a  varied  career:  he  served  as  a  page 
to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland ;  commanded 
a  company  under  Henry  IV.  at  the  siege  of 
Amiens,  when  only  twenty-one  years  old ;  as 
steward  to  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  he  had  suc- 
cessfully ridded  the  latter's  vast  estate  of 
debt.  He  was  a  shrewd  lawyer,  intelligent 
and  prudent;  but  he  was  arbitrary  and  hot- 
tempered.  Governor  Winthrop  thus  described 
one  of  their  frequent  quarrels :  — ■ 

''The  Deputy  rose  up  in  great  fury  and  passion, 
and  the  governour  grew  very  hot  also,  so  as  they 
both  fell  into  bitterness  but  by  mediation  of  the 
mediators  they  were  pacified." 

But  when  at  a  later  day  the  Deputy  sent  a 
letter  "  full  of  bitterness  the  Governor  handed 
it  back  to  the  bearer,  saying  'I  am  not  will- 
ing to  keep  such  an  occasion  of  provocation  by 
me.'  And  at  last  at  a  division  of  land  in 
Concoi-d  they  did  name  two  great  stones  that 
divided  the  land  The  Two  Brothers,  in  re- 
monil)rancc  that  they  were  brothers  l)y  their 
children's  marriage  and  did  so  brotherly 
311 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

agree. "  And  there  the  two  great  stones  stand 
to-day,  memorials  of  these  two  Massachusetts 
worthies. 

Throughout  all  the  years  of  Winthrop's 
life  in  New  England,  he  was  tireless  in  his 
thoughts  and  efforts  to  preserve  the  Royal 
Charter  which  had  been  granted  by  Charles  I. 
on  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  America.  It 
proved  no  easy  work,  to  devise  means  to  re- 
tain it.  The  fell  glance  of  Laud  did  not  fall 
alone  on  the  works  and  ways  of  the  Puritans 
in  England.  He  eyed  with  antipathy  and  with 
firm  intent  of  mischief,  the  settlement  in 
New  England,  where  all  that  iiis  soul  fairly 
abhorred  was  not  only  rife  but  flourishing. 
He  vainly  sought  to  hinder  and  prevent  the 
departure  of  the  company  in  1633  in  which 
were  numbered  Hooker,  Haynes,  Stone,  and 
Cotton ;  and  shortly  after  he  succeeded  in 
abolishing  the  old  Council  for  New  England, 
and  in  placing  the  control  of  English  colonial 
affairs  in  a  special  Commission.  This  Com- 
mission consisted  of  himself,  the  Archbishop 
of  York,  six  peers,  and  three  Court  officers, 
and  power  was  given  it  to  recall  letters-patent. 
Speedily  an  order  came  across  seas,  conveyed 
through  ex-Governor  Cradock,  requesting  the 
return  of  the  Charter  of  Massachusetts  to  Eng- 
land. Shrewd  Winthrop  sent  word,  not  to  the 
312 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

Commission,  but  to  Cradock,  that  no  answering 
action  could  be  taken  till  the  meeting  of  the 
General  Court  in  September.  Even  then  no 
reply  was  sent  to  England;  but  the  magis- 
trates consulted  with  the  ministers,  and  a 
significant  portion  of  the  ministerial  advice 
was  "to  avoid  and  protract."  This  line  of 
avoidance  and  protraction  was  studiously  car- 
ried out,  and  it  protected  the  Charter  for  fifty 
years,  when  New  England  liberty  and  pros- 
perity were  too  firmly  established  to  be 
destroyed  by  the  loss  of  any  Royal  patent. 

The  Commission,  or  Laud,  then  systemat- 
ically went  to  work  to  stop  emigration,  but 
was  wholly  unsuccessful.  The  King  then 
appointed  Gorges  Governor-General  of  all 
New  England,  and  assigned  him  a  thousand 
soldiers  as  escort  thither,  and  to  enforce 
his  rule;  but,  as  Winthrop  wrote,  "the  Lord 
frustrated  their  design,"  for  the  vessel  which 
was  to  have  borne  Gorges  to  these  shores  fell 
asunder  on  being  launched ;  and  the  Vice 
Admiral  Mason,  a  fierce  opponent  of  Win- 
throp's  government,  died.  "The  Lord,  in 
mercy,  taking  him  away,  all  the  business  fell 
on  sleep."  And  just  at  that  interval  in 
affairs,  the  King  found  too  many  pressing 
cares  at  home  in  Scotland  to  have  time  to  think 
of  or  meddle  with  his  New  England  colony. 
813 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

In  the  summer  of  1638  twenty  ships  and 
over  three  thousand  persons  came  to  settle 
in  Massachusetts,  in  spite  of  the  attempted 
hindrance  of  Laud  and  the  Commission ;  and 
alarmed  at  the  prosperity  of  the  colony,  another 
demand,  "a  very  strict  order,"  was  made  for 
the  return  to  England  of  the  Charter, 

The  answer  to  this  demand,  written  in 
Winthrop's  best  form  of  composition,  has 
always  amused  me ;  for,  though  truthful,  it  is 
undeniably  shrewd.  Mr.  S.  G.  Drake,  in  his 
extraordinary  characterization  of  Winthrop, 
in  his  History  of  Boston,  says  Winthrop 
was  "honest  but  artful,  accomplishing  his 
purposes  as  though  they  were  the  purposes  of 
others."  In  this  estimate  I  cannot  join,  but 
certainly  Winthrop's  answer  about  the  Char- 
ter shows  much  worldly  wisdom.  It  pleads 
for  leave  and  time  to  answer,  and  does  not 
doubt  if  the  colonists,  the  Massachusetts  Court, 
knew  what  was  the  cause  of  this  demand,  they 
could  "  put  in  a  sufficient  plea  "  against  it.  It 
pleads  that  through  having  transported  families 
and  estates  his  Majesty's  dominions  are  en- 
larged in  a  dignified  manner,  while  if  they 
have  no  patent  they  will  be  "  looked  as  renni- 
gadoes,"  and  that  many  evils  and  annoyances 
will  follow,  and  thus  many  thousand  persons 
will    be  ruined;   that  they  will   be  forced  to 

314 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

desert  the  place,  leavinj^  it  free  of  settlement 
to  the  French  and  Dutch ;  that  unruly  folk 
will  confederate  with  the  new  government; 
and  —  very  politely  expressed  —  it  will  make 
others  lack  confidence  in  the  King's  future 
grants.  It  is  all  very  manly  and  simple  and 
direct  in  expression,  but  no  one  could  read  it 
to-day  without  seeing  the  "  avoid  and  protract  " 
line  of  diplomacy.  Behind  this  document 
there  was  a  man,  and  again  this  man  was 
John  Winthrop ;  and  his  justifiable  device  was 
successful.  Again  was  the  Charter  written 
for,  but  with  some  informality  in  conveyance 
of  the  order,  and  therefore  no  public  action 
was  taken  upon  it  in  answer.  In  later  years, 
after  Winthrop's  death,  the  answers  sent  to 
the  demands  of  the  commissioners  sadly  lack 
the  simplicity,  dignity,  and  conciseness  of 
those  of  Winthrop's  composition.  I  may  add 
that  they  might  also  take  lessons  of  him  in 
grammar. 

The  statues  erected  to  the  honor  of  Win- 
throp show  him  with  the  Bible  in  one  hand 
and  the  Charter  of  Massachusetts  in  the  other. 
Nothing  could  be  more  significant  of  his  char- 
acter. His  good  sense,  and  I  think  his  jicr- 
sonality,  retained  the  Charter  during  his  life ; 
his  tactics  retained  it  for  many  years  after. 

In  all  this  unsettled  time  about  the  Charter 

315 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

a  very  weighty  business  was  transacted,  the 
formation  of  the  New  England  Confederacy. 
In  it  the  colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth, 
New  Haven,  and  Connecticut  were  leagued 
together  for  common  protection,  and  eight 
commissioners  were  appointed  to  form  a  board. 
The  plantations  in  what  are  now  Maine,  Nar- 
ragansett,  and  Rhode  Island  were  refused 
admission  to  this  Confederacy.  At  the  first 
meeting  of  the  board  of  commissioners  John 
"Winthrop  was  chosen  President.  This  Con- 
federacy lasted  over  forty  years,  till  the  time 
of  the  royal  governors,  and  was  an  important 
factor  in  preserving  the  prosperity  and  pro- 
moting the  progress  of  the  Puritan  country. 

The  emigration  to  Massachusetts  varied 
much  during  the  years  of  Winthrop's  life. 
He  saw  every  extreme.  Reports  of  distress 
and  scarcity  returned  to  England  immediately 
after  his  arrival,  and  reduced  the  number  of 
arrivals  for  the  succeeding  year  to  less  than 
a  hundred.  By  1634  only  a  thousand  more  in 
all  had  arrived.  This  was  a  great  disappoint- 
ment to  the  magistrates ;  but,  after  all,  it 
proved  a  benefit  to  the  colony.  With  new 
ways  of  governing,  new  social  conditions,  and 
delicate  political  adjustments  going  on,  it  was 
well  for  the  community  to  grow  slowly.  Only 
about  three  hundred  and  fifty  freemen  were 

316 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

admitted  in  three  years,  —  a  number  which 
could  be  guided  and  ruled  with  comparative 
ease. 

But  Winthrop  was  firm  in  his  confidence 
that  more  emigrants  would  come,  and  he 
advocated  the  leaving  at  liberty  of  portions  of 
the  town  land,  to  be  assigned  to  new-comers 
and  for  the  common  good;  and  thus  through 
his  policy  came  that  noble  legacy  to  the 
Boston  of  all  centuries,  —  Boston  Common. 

In  1634  was  seen  a  sudden  revival  of  emi- 
gration to  New  England.  Matters  so  stood  in 
England  that  great  land-owners  and  nobles, 
men  of  l)lood  and  fortune,  were  preparing  to 
follow  the  scholars,  merchants,  and  farmei'S. 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  when  wrecked  in  1635  on 
the  coast  of  Ireland,  travelled  through  Ireland, 
then  passed  over  to  Scotland  and  so  through 
the  North  of  England ;  and  all  the  way  he  met 
Avith  persons  of  quality  whose  thoughts  were 
towards  New  England,  who  observed  his  com- 
ing among  them  as  a  special  providence  of 
God.  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  and  Lord  Brooke, 
both  stanch  Puritans,  announced  their  interest 
in  the  new  world  by  purchases  of  land ;  Lord 
Warwick  secured  the  proprietorship  of  the 
Connecticut  Valley.  Lord  Ley  came  to  visit ; 
Sir  Harry  Vane  crossed  to  New  England. 
John  Hampden  purchased  a  tract  of  land  in 
317 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

Narragansctt.  By  tradition,  a  royal  embargo 
was  all  that  prevented  Oliver  Cromwell  from 
crossing  the  seas.  Proposals  were  made  by 
"persons  of  quality"  with  regard  to  condi- 
tions of  removing,  especially  as  to  hereditary 
privileges  above  the  "common  sort."  The 
cautious  answer  was  that  while  hereditary 
honors  would  be  accorded,  hereditary  authority 
was  out  of  the  question.  John  Cotton  openly 
advocated  the  establishment  and  maintenance 
of  an  American  aristocracy.  As  the  inquisi- 
tion of  Laud  grew  more  unbearable  in  Great 
Britain,  Puritans  turned  naturally  to  a  land 
of  religious  liberty.  In  1639  twenty  thousand 
Puritans  had  come  to  New  England,  and,  to 
the  rejoicing  of  John  Winthrop's  soul,  three 
fourths  of  that  number  came  to  Massachusetts. 
But  a  day  bright  with  new  hopes  was  dawn- 
ing in  England.  With  Strafford  beheaded 
and  Laud  in  the  Tower,  and  the  convening  of 
the  Long  Parliament  in  1640,  any  homesick 
colonist  could  reasonably  long  for  his  "  old 
home;"  and  many  did  return.  And  heroic 
spirits  of  this  world  also  turned  to  England  to 
render  assistance  to  the  new  hopes.  Winthrop 
says,  when  word  came  of  "  the  hope  of  a  refor- 
mation .  .  .  some  among  us  began  to  think  of 
returning  back  to  England."  Margaret's  son 
Stephen   was   one;  eleven   more   of  the   first 

318 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

twenty  graduates  of  Harvard  went  with  him. 
Indeed,  England  sent  over  to  the  new  world 
for  aid  in  its  deliberations.  Ministers  Cotton 
and  Davenport  and  Hooker  were  asked  to  the 
Westminster  Assembl}^  of  Divines;  but  they 
did  not  go.  But  it  was  not  of  so  much  im- 
portance that  a  few  returned  to  England; 
but  emigration  ceased,  and  ships  no  longer 
arrived,  hence  foreign  trade  was  dead,  and 
exchange  hampered;  food  supplies  were  short; 
and  the  Court  was  much  harassed  and  worried, 
not  liking  to  ask  Parliament  for  temporary 
help  lest  Parliament  try  to  assume  authority, 
—  and  John  VVinthrop  never  forgot  his  pre- 
cious Charter.  Not  till  a  hundred  years  later 
did  New  England  renew  the  same  proportion 
of  emigration  as  existed  in  the  years  1634  to 
1639.  Hutchinson  thought  that  during  that 
century  more  went  from  the  colony  to  England 
then  came  from  England  to  the  colony.  Thus 
we  were,  to  use  Lord  Bacon's  words,  "built 
up  from  within,  not  pieced  out  from  witli- 
out;  "  and  the  result  was  the  establishment  of 
a  homogeneity  which  has  afforded  and  per- 
petuated a  distinct  type  (almost  a  race,  only, 
to  use  Freeman's  expression,  that  would  be 
claiming  for  ourselves  too  great  a  place 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth),  a  type 
wh'.ch    may   be    fitly   described   by  using  old 

319 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Judge    Sewall's   term,  —  true    New   England 
men. 

There  is  one  point  in  the  character  of  John 
Winthrop  which  has  not  been  dwelt  upon  by 
his  biographers,  but  which  is  to  me  very  sig- 
nificant of  his  breadth  of  mind  and  his  calm- 
ness of  judgment.  It  is  his  attitude  towards 
witchcraft  and  witches.  He  came  from  Eng- 
land at  a  time  when  a  belief  in  witchcraft  was 
so  deep-rooted  that  it  was  held  almost  blas- 
phemous to  doubt  upon  the  subject.  King 
James,  the  very  year  after  his  accession  to 
the  throne,  set  his  hand  to  an  act  for  the 
punishment  of  sorcerers ;  and  the  persecution 
of  witches  became  a  common  occurrence.  It 
is  estimated  that  not  fewer  than  forty  thousand 
persons  were  put  to  death  in  England  for 
witchcraft.  James  Howell  wrote  in  1647  that 
within  the  compass  of  two  years,  near  three 
hundred  witches  were  arraigned  and  the  major 
part  of  them  executed,  in  Suffolk  and  Essex 
only.  Throughout  Suffolk  and  Essex  coun- 
ties, and  other  eastern  parts  of  England,  an 
infamous  wretch  named  Matthew  Hopkins 
earned  a  comfortable  living  as  a  witch-finder, 
and  his  business  was  prosperous  to  a  most 
shocking  degree.  I  am  glad  to  know  that  he 
at  last  died  by  water-ordeal,  his  own  favorite 
witch'test,  and  at  the  hands  of  John  Win- 
320 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

throp's  old  Suffolk  neighbors.  Roared  in  this 
belief,  in  the  very  centre  of  the  witch-ridden 
district,  John  Winthrop's  long  terra  of  magis- 
tracy in  New  England  was  not  sullied  until 
its  last  year  by  the  trial  of  any  person  for 
witchcraft,  though  every  county  in  Old  England 
had  scores  of  cases  in  that  time.  The  record  of 
that  one  case  is  horrible  enough,  however,  to 
make  it  seem  the  one  foul  spot  in  a  life  other- 
wise as  clear  and  pure  as  amber. 

In  the  year  1G45  there  came  into  Margaret 
Winthrop's  life  an  episode  which  must  have 
stirred  her  deeply,  but  which,  as  is  human 
nature,  may  not  have  had  at  all  the  deep  sig- 
nificance to  her  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence 
that  it  has  to  us  to-day.  It  is  known  in 
Massachusetts  history  as  the  Impeachment  of 
Winthrop. 

Thomas  Dudley  was  governor.  He  had  suc- 
ceeded Endicott,  and  had  found  presented  for 
his  consideration  and  judgment  a  dispute 
which  had  arisen  during  Endicott's  term. 
The  specific  question  concerned  the  captaincy 
of  the  train-band  of  the  town  of  Hingham. 
The  Court  held  that  Anthony  Eamcs  was  cap- 
tain, as  he  had  been  first  chosen  and  accei)tcd; 
but  the  company  mutinied  against  him,  and 
he  was  summoned  before  the  church.  Upon 
Eames's  complaint  the  minister,  Peter  Hobart, 
21  321 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

and  other  Hingham  offenders  were  summoned 
to  Boston,  where  they  so  ill  behaved  that 
the  Court  sent  them  to  jail.  In  time  Parson 
Hobart  and  eighty  of  his  friends  petitioned 
for  a  hearing  upon  the  lawfulness  of  their 
committal,  and  named  Winthrop  as  the  magis- 
trate against  whom  they  would  make  their 
charge.  The  other  magistrates  were  loath 
to  sanction  this  extraordinary  proceeding, 
but  at  Winthrop's  desire  tbcy  were  permitted 
to  have  their  way,  and  the  matter  came  before 
the  Court  in  Boston  and  a  great  assembly  of 
people. 

When  Winthrop  came  in,  he  sat  beneath, 
within  the  bar,  uncovered,  "to  the  grief 
of  many  present. "  But  he  said  that  was  the 
fit  place  for  an  accused  person,  and  that  were 
he  upon  the  bench  he  could  not  plead  with  the 
liberty  he  could  while  at  the  bar.  The  matter 
was  under  debate  for  some  weeks.  Winthrop 
was  acquitted.  The  petitioners  were  punished 
by  fines  ;  and  when  Winthrop  took  his 
place  upon  the  bench,  "he  desired  leave  for 
a  little  speech."  This  speech  ranks  with  the 
memorable  ones  by  Boston  orators.  It  has 
been  given  in  full  in  many  histories,  and  has 
been  pronounced  equal  to  anything  in  antiq- 
uity, whether  from  philosopher  or  magistrate. 
De  Tocqueville  quotes  one  passage  as  a  fine 
322 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

definition  of  liberty.  It  is  as  noble  as  the 
man  who  said  it,  as  calm  and  clear  as  his 
judgment;  and  it  will  well  bear  our  careful 
contemplation  to-day.  In  my  early  school 
days  a  patriotic  and  intelligent  teacher  re- 
quired all  his  pupils  to  memorize  these  sen- 
tences. They  have  ever  clung  in  my  memory, 
are  thus  specially  endeared  and  specially  sig- 
nificant to  me,  and,  indeed,  are  to  me  a  true 
definition  of  liberty. 

''There  is  a  twofold  liberty  —  natural  (I  mean  as 
our  nature  is  now  corrupt)  and  civil  or  federal. 
The  first  is  common  to  man,  with  beasts  and  other 
creatures.  By  tliis,  man,  as  he  stands  in  relation 
to  man  simply,  hath  liberty  to  do  wliat  he  lists; 
it  is  a  liberty  to  evil  as  well  as  to  good.  This  lib- 
erty is  incompatible  and  inconsistent  with  author- 
ity, and  cannot  endure  the  least  restraint  of  the 
most  just  authority.  The  exercising  and  maintain- 
ing of  this  liberty  makes  men  grow  more  evil, 
and  in  time  to  be  worse  than  brute  beasts;  Onines 
sumus  llcentia  deter  lores.  Tliis  is  that  great 
enemy  of  truth  and  peace,  that  wild  beast,  which 
all  the  ordinances  of  God  are  bent  against,  to  re- 
strain and  subdue  it. 

"  The  other  kind  of  liberty  I  call  civil  or  federal ; 
it  may  also  be  termed  moral,  in  reference  to  the 
covenant  between  God  and  man,  in  the  moral  law, 
and  the  politic  covenants  and  constitutions  amongst 
men  themselves.  This  liberty  is  the  ])roper  end 
aud  object  of  authority,  and  cannot  subsist  without 
323 


MABGARET   WINTIIROP 

it;  and  it  is  a  liberty  to  that  only  wTiich  is  good, 
just,  and  honest.  This  libei'ty  you  are  to  stand 
for,  with  the  hazard,  not  only  of  your  goods,  but 
of  your  lives  if  need  be.  Whatsoever  crosseth 
this,  is  not  authority,  but  a  distemper  thereof. 
This  liberty  is  maintained  and  exercised  in  a  way 
of  subjection  to  authority;  it  is  of  the  same  kind 
of  liberty  wherewith  Christ  hath  made  us  free." 

Truly,  as  Mr.  Robert  C.  Winthrop  said,  while 
American  history  furnishes  many  noble  sub- 
jects for  the  skill  of  the  painter,  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  a  nobler  one  could  anywhere 
be  found  than  the  scene  which  witnessed  the 
utterance  of  this  address;  "the  calm  and  care- 
worn father  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony  paus- 
ing at  the  vacant  chair  he  was  now  called  to 
resume,  and  pronouncing  before  the  little  legis- 
lative assembly  of  the  colony  that  admirable 
definition  of  the  true  nature  of  civil  liberty." 

Lowell  said  of  the  Puritan  settlement  at 
Massachusetts  Bay,  that  they  were  men  of 
business  as  well  as  religious  earnestness,  and 
that  there  is  no  better  ballast  for  keeping  the 
mind  steady  on  its  keel,  and  keeping  it  from 
all  risk  of  crankiness,  than  business.  The 
old  patriarch  White,  in  his  avowal  of  the 
colonists,  said  with  candor  and  shrewdness: 
"Nothing  sorts  better  with  Piety  than  Com- 
petency." John  Winthrop,  in  his  manage- 
324 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

ment  of  the  Commonwealth,  proved  himself  a 
good  business  man.  Two  hundred  thousand 
pounds  were  invested  in  the  undertaking;,  —  a 
vast  sum  for  the  times,  fully  as  important  as 
the  venture  of  a  million  pounds  would  be  to- 
day. Truly  the  Puritans  both  prayed  and  paid 
their  way. 

Winthrop  promptly  put  his  business  talent 
to  the  good  of  the  community,  to  the  neglect 
of  his  own  affairs.  The  very  first  year  of  his 
arrival  he  built  a  bark  of  thirty  tons'  burden, 
and  gave  it  the  pretty  name  of  the  "  Blessing 
of  the  Bay."  In  succeeding  years  others  were 
launched.  When  the  mercantile  spirit  of 
Hugh  Peter  evoked  a  ship  of  three  hundred 
tons'  burden  in  Salem,  Boston  promptly  fol- 
lowed with  one  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  tons. 
Plentiful  timber,  willing  hands,  and  trusting 
spirits,  — trusting  in  that  the  shipwrights  had 
to  take  such  pay  as  the  country  could  make,  — • 
all  made  ship-building  possible,  though  not 
easy  work.  With  ship-building  naturally 
came  the  establishment  of  rope-making  for 
ships'  shrouds  and  cables. 

But  in  the  faitliful  and  engrossing  pursuance 
of  these  public  benefits  Winthrop  sul'lered 
greatly  in  his  private  estate.  Ere  John 
AVinthrop,  Jr.,  left  England  he  sold  for  his 
lather  the  old  homestead  at  Groton  Manor. 
826 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Winthrop  had  appraised  it  at  X5,760,  a  value 
equivalent  to  near  a  hundred  thousand  dollars 
to-day;  it  was  sold  for  .£4,200.  This  was 
not  all  John  Winthrop's  property  at  that 
time,  yet  when  he  died  he  left  a  poor  personal 
estate  of  a  hundred  pounds.  In  1G39  he  made 
a  will.  In  it  he  names  a  varied  estate;  the 
house  in  Boston,  an  interest  in  iha  windmill 
and  fishery  at  Mystic,  land  at  Powder  Hill 
Point,  Ten  Hills  Farm,  Governor's  Island,  half 
of  Prudence  Island  in  Narragansett  Bay,  land 
at  Pullen  Point,  a  lot  at  Concord  and  twelve 
hundred  acres,  also  two  thousand  acres  still 
due  him  from  the  country.  In  1641  he  signed 
this  will,  and  ended  it  with  the  sad  avowal 
of  a  sale  of  much  of  this  estate  to  satisfy  debts 
of  £2,600  contracted  by  an  unfaithful  servant, 
one  Luxford.  In  fact,  matters  were  even  worse 
than  this;  it  proved  that  all  his  estate  was 
gone,  and  this  when  he  was  no  longer  young. 
When  his  losses  became  known,  letters  of 
sympathy  poured  in  from  all  sides,  —  letters  so 
beautiful  that  they  render  to  us  the  tenderest 
picture  of  the  neighborly  love  of  the  Puritans. 
From  Plymouth  came  a  letter  written  by 
"Winslow ;  from  Salem  one  written  by  Endicott 
in  most  noble  frame ;  from  England,  from  his 
sister,  came  others  equally  loving.  And  the 
people  in  the  towns  of  the  colony  sent  him 
826 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

.£500;  and  well  they  might,  in  return  for  all 
the  years  he  had  served  as  governor  without 
pay.  And  the  General  Court  voted  Margaret 
Winthrop  three  thousand  acres  of  land;  and 
Boston  Church,  the  church  filled  with  Ilutchin- 
sonians,  with  Antinomians,  that  a  year  before 
had  so  "slighted"  and  opposed  him, — this 
church,  warmed  to  hearty  affection,  sent  him 
£200.  These  letters  of  his  friends,  and  the 
canting,  whining  letters  of  Luxford,  and,  as  a 
stern  contrast,  the  letters  of  a  faithful  ser- 
vant, one  Tinker,  form  a  wonderful  character 
study,  a  delineation  of  Puritan  life.  In  his 
will  he  commended  "  all  to  the  most  wise  and 
gracious  providence  of  the  Lord  who  hath 
promised  not  to  fail  nor  to  forsake  mo,  but 
will  be  a  husband  to  my  wife  and  a  father  to 
our  children  as  he  hath  hereto  been  in  all  our 
struggles.     Blessed  be  his  holy  name." 

But  he  was  not  destined  to  leave  his  wife 
Margaret  a  widow  and  penniless. 

In  the  summer  of  1647,  soon  after  he  had 
entered  upon  his  eleventh  term  as  Governor, 
he  met  with  sore  sorrow,  for  on  June  14th  his 
beloved  IMargarct  died  after  a  short  illness. 
The  sad  entry  in  his  journal  is  typical  of  the 
man  in  its  reserve  and  calm :  — 

"In  this  sickness  the  governour's  wife,  daughter 
of  Sir  John  Tiudal,  Knight,  left  this  world  for  a 
327 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

better,  being  about  fifty  six  years  of  age;  a  woman 
of  singular  virtue  modesty  and  piety,  and  specially 
beloved  and  honored  of  the  country." 

It  was  sixteen  years  since  her  husband  had 
written  to  her  in  anticipation  of  her  arrival 
in  New  England :  "  Oh,  how  it  refresheth  my 
heart  to  think  that  T  shall  again  see  thy  sweet 
face  in  the  land  of  the  living;  that  lovely 
countenance  that  I  have  so  much  delighted 
in  and  beheld  with  so  great  content."  That 
sweet  face  throughout  these  years  of  trial  and 
hard  work  had  still  been  to  him  his  great 
content;  and  the  letters  of  his  sons  show  how 
dear  it  was  to  all  her  family. 

Her  eldest  son  Stephen  was  in  Reigate, 
England,  at  the  time  of  his  mother's  death. 
He  writes :  — 

"We  heard  before  of  my  Deare  Mothers  depart- 
ures which  was  very  sad  tidings  to  me;  and  my  losse 
was  as  much  in  it  as  any  Sonnes  could  be  in  a 
Mother;  but  I  know  God  calls  me  to  submission; 
and  to  drawe  more  nearer  himself e;  whose  provi- 
dence over  us  is  instead  of  all  relations ;  our  inter- 
est in  him  being  only  durable,  ye  consideration 
whereof  quiets  my  spirit ;  and  yt  which  accom- 
panied this  sadd  tidings,  as  if  it  had  beene  more 
than  nature  could  have  submitted  quietly  unto, 
was  ye  relation  of  your  own  Sadd  and  dangerous 
state  but  seeing  it  pleased  God  to  continue  you  to 
us,  I  shall  say  no  more  of  yt." 
328 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

He  then  thanks  his  father  for  his  mother's 
ring  and  Bible.  Writing  a  few  days  later  to 
his  ])rother  John,  he  says:  "All  my  comforts 
this  yeare  arc  mixt  with  the  sadd  uewes  of  my 
mothers  death.  My  losse  in  it  is  very  much, 
as  much  as  could  be  in  a  mother."  Samuel 
Winthrop  was  at  St.  Christopher's  when  he 
heard  of  her  death : — 

''I  received  the  sad  newes  of  my  mother's  death 
which  I  thought  I  could  have  born  with  a  great 
deal  more  patience  than  I  now  find  1  canne.  Praie 
God  to  season  it  to  me  that  out  of  this  great  affliocon 
I  maie  receive  greatest  benefit.  lie  hath  j)romised 
that  all  things  shall  prove  to  the  best  to  those  that 
love  and  feare  him;  if  all  things,  then  the  losee  of 
a  dearest  mother,  to  whom  I  may  goe  but  to  me 
she  ne'er  can  come.  Griefe  cutts  me  offe  that  I 
cannot  write  either  what  nor  as  I  would." 

No  portrait  or  description  of  her  exists; 
nor  are  there  any  save  scanty  references  to 
her  personal  appearance.  In  an  entry  in  his 
journal  shortly  after  Margaret's  arrival  in 
Massachusetts,  the  Governor  interrupts  his 
record  of  affaii'S  of  Church  and  State  to  speak  of 
the  spiritual  experience  of  the  young  children 
of  "one  of  the  magistrates."  As  it  is  his 
constant  custom  to  write  of  himself  in  the 
third  person,  and  of  his  own  concerns  in  an 
impersonal  way,  he  can  refer  in  this  entry 
829 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

only   to   his   own   family;    and   he   ends   his 
account  thus :  — 

*'  Upon  this  occasion  it  is  not  impertinent  (though 
no  credit  nor  regard  be  to  be  had  of  dreams  in 
these  days)  to  report  a  dream  which  the  father  of 
these  children  had  at  the  same  time,  viz.  that  coming 
into  his  chamber  he  fonnd  his  wife  (she  was  a  very 
gracious  woman)  in  bed,  and  three  or  four  of  their 
children  lying  by  her,  with  most  sweet  and  smiling 
countenances,  with  crowns  upon  their  heads,  and 
blue  ribbons  about  their  leaves.  When  he  awaked 
he  told  his  wife  his  dream,  and  made  this  interpre- 
tation of  it,  that  God  would  take  of  her  children 
to  make  them  fellow  heirs  with  Christ  in  his 
kingdom." 

The  interpretation  which  we  can  make  of 
this  dream  and  this  account  to-day,  is  the 
evidence  it  gives  of  the  pure  and  elevated 
influences  of  the  Winthrops'  home  life,  and 
the  characterization  of  Margaret  Winthrop  as 
a  "very  gracious  woman,"  —  which  seems  to 
me  a  very  tender  though  truly  reserved  expres- 
sion of  her  charms;  but  it  is  the  description 
which  has  given  shape  in  my  imagination  to 
her  personality, — "a  very  gracious  woman," 
with  "  sweet  face  "  and  "  lovely  countenance. " 

This  biography  of  Margaret  Winthrop  must 
not  be  concluded  without  briefly  telling  of  her 

830 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

children  and  her  descendants.  Four  of  her  ciglit 
children  died  in  infancy,  —  Nathaniel,  Anno, 
William,  and  Sarah.  Stephen,  her  oldest 
child,  became  Recorder  and  Representative  in 
New  England,  but  in  England,  the  country  of 
his  birth,  became  Colonel,  then  Major-General 
in  the  Parliamentary  Army.  He  also  sat  in 
one  of  Cromwell's  Parliaments.  His  wife 
was  Judith  Rainsborough,  sister  of  a  Colonel 
in  the  Parliamentary  Army,  and  also  sister  of 
John  Winthrop's  fourth  wife.  He  left  daugh- 
ters only ;  so  the  name  of  Winthrop  became 
extinct  in  that  line. 

Adam  Winthrop,  her  second  child,  married 
the  step-daughter  of  President  Dunster  of 
Harvard  College,  Elizabeth  Glover,  and  died 
leaving  one  son,  Adam,  who  left  a  son  Adam, 
who  was  Chief  Justice,  and  a  daugliter  Mary. 
From  Chief  Justice  Adam  Winthrop  were  de- 
scended Professor  John  W.  Winthrop  of  Har- 
vard College,  the  astronomer  and  Revolutionary 
patriot,  and  his  sons  John;  Adam,  who  was 
lost  at  sea ;  William,  who  died  in  1825;  and 
the  late  Judge  James  Winthrop.  John  had 
two  sons,  John  and  Adam ;  ])ut  the  name 
Winthrop  is  now  extinct  in  this  line.  From 
Mary,  daughter  of  the  third  Adam,  came  a 
large  and  honorable  line  of  godly  descendants, 
whose  lives  would  have  exceedingly  rejoiced 
331 


MARGARET  WINTHROP 

the  souls  of  John  and  Margaret  "Winthrop. 
She  married  Colonel  John  Ballantine.  Her 
sons  were  Rev.  John  Ballantine  of  Westficld, 
Mass.,  another  Rev.  John  his  son;  Rev.  Wm. 
Gay  Ballantine,  of  Washington,  Mass. ;  Rev. 
Henry  Ballantine,  long  a  missionary  in  India, 
whose  children  and  grandchildren  are  now 
missionaries  there  and  consuls ;  Rev.  John 
"Winthrop  Ballantine,  of  Ridgfield,  Conn.,  is 
another  son.  Another  great-grandson  of  Mary 
"Winthrop  was  Rev.  Elisha  Ballantine,  Pro- 
fessor of  Greek  in  Indiana  University.  His 
children  are  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  W.  Ballantine, 
of  Baltimore,  Md.  ;  Rev.  Dr.  Wm.  G.  Ballan- 
tine, President  of  Oberlin  College ;  Mary,  the 
mother  of  Rev.  Paul  Brown  of  Colorado;  and 
Anna  T.  Ballantine,  Lady  Principal  of  Fisk 
University,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Deane  Winthrop,  Margaret's  third  son,  mar- 
ried Sarah  Glover,  and  had  a  large  family  of 
children.  He  lived  to  great  old  age,  but  his 
son  died  unmarried  before  him. 

Samuel  Winthrop,  her  fourth  son,  married  a 
Dutch  lady,  and  became  Governor  of  Antigua. 
Though  he  had  several  sons,  of  whom  three 
were  married,  the  male  line  became  extinct 
in  that  generation.  Among  his  descendants 
in  the  female  line  were  Admiral  Lord  Lyons 
and  his  son  Lord  Lyons,  long  minister  from 

332 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND   CLOSING  DAYS 

Great  Britain  to  this  country ;  and  the  pres- 
ent Duke  of  Norfolk  ;  thus  the  blood  of  tlie 
Puritan  mother  runs  in  the  veins  of  the 
most  prominent  Roman  Catholic  nobleman  in 
England. 

It  was  given  to  Margaret  "Winthrop  to  en- 
dure in  her  fifty-six  years  of  life  a  far  wider 
and  deeper  range  of  emotions  and  experiences 
than  has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  many  women.  A. 
sheltered  girlhood  was  rudely  shocked  by  the 
murder  of  her  father.  She  was  parted  from 
her  beloved  husband  by  an  unknown  ocean, 
which  must  have  seemed  to  her  a  sea  of 
despair,  of  horrible  danger,  if  she  could  think 
the  Thames  perilous;  she  bravely  faced  and 
endured  that  venturous  voyage  herself,  and 
encountered  with  courage  the  fears  and  hard- 
ships of  a  pioneer  life  in  a  strange  savage 
world.  She  was  brought  thither,  to  use  her 
husband's  powerful  words,  "through  the  swell- 
ing seas,  through  perills  of  pyrates,  tempests, ! 
leakes,  fires,  rocks,  sands,  diseases,  starvings; 
and  the  colony  was  here  preserved  these  many 
years  through  displeasure  of  Princes,  the  envy 
and  rage  of  Prelates,  the  malignant  plots  of 
Jesuits,  the  mutinous  contentions  of  discon- 
tented persons,  the  open  and  secret  attempts 
of  barbarous  Indians,  the  seditions  and  under- 
mining practices  of  hercticall  false  brethren.'* 

833 


MARGARET   WINTHROP 

Margaret  Winthrop  was  saddened  by  the 
death  of  children,  and  she  had  to  bear  that 
rending  of  a  mother's  heart,  —  the  burial  of  a 
child  at  sea.  She  had  a  life  of  hard  work,  of 
many  cares,  and  she  experienced  entire  loss  of 
fortune ;  yet  I  think  her  life  was  a  happy  one, 
for  there  was  one  bitter  cup  she  was  never 
forced  to  taste,  —  that  of  disgrace ;  and  in  all 
her  sorrows  and  fears  she  was  cheered  and 
strengthened  not  only  by  an  inspired  religious 
faith,  but  by  a  love  such  as  is  the  fortune  of 
few  women  to  arouse  and  retain;  a  love  so 
tender,  so  thoughtful,  so  sheltering,  that  it 
might  well  prove  to  her,  as  her  husband  said,  a 
symbol  of  the  everlasting  love  of  her  Heavenly 
Father. 

i  Throughout  her  life  she  ever  displayed  traits 
of  character,  disposition,  and  faith  that  were 
most  noble  and  beautiful,  and  render  her  fit 
to  stand  as  the  emblem  and  personification  of 
what  I  have  learned  to  believe  is  one  of  the 
purest  types  of  womanhood,  —  the  Puritan  wife 
and  mother. 

That  type  belongs  to  an  existence  that  has 
forever  passed  from  this  earth ;  but  it  has  an 
immortal  soul  which  still  lives,  and  speaks  to 
us  with  clear  voice  down  through  the  cen- 
turies, teaching  us  the  lesson  of  Margaret 
Winthrop's  life,  which  we  need  and  may  heed: 
33i 


PUBLIC  EVENTS  AND  CLOSING  DAYS 

not  the  spiritual  lesson  of  her  trusting  piety 
and  affection,  for,  happily,  we  still  have 
among  us  plenty  of  God-fearing,  affectionate 
wives;  but  a  lesson  which  is  far  more  urgent 
to-day,  — a  regard  of  the  beauty  in  woman's 
life  of  home-loving,  home-keeping,  home- 
influencing;  and  a  consideration  of  the  true 
dignity  which  comes  from  simplicity  of  liv- 
ing, sim[)licity  in  di-ess,  in  home-furnishing, 
in  hospitality,  in  all  social  and  domestic 
relations. 


335 


INDEX 


Appleton,  Sir  Isaac,  21. 
Aspinwall,  William,  sj'mpathy 
with  Wheelwriglat,  280. 

Barnes,  Ambrose,  description 
of  the  duties  of  a  Puritan 
wife  in  her  manor-house,  82; 
of  the  Puritan  woman  and 
her  relif^ion,  124. 

Barnes,  Mistress  Mar}',  46. 

Baulstonc,  William,  sympathy 
with  Wheelwright,  280. 

Bellingham,  Governor,  mar- 
riage of,  with  Penelope  Pel- 
ham,  243. 

Boston,  in  1631,  171;  life  in, 
described  by  Hawthorne,  203. 

Boston,  First  Church  of,  cove- 
nant of,  259;  gift  to,  260; 
history  of,  261;  form  of  wor- 
ship of,  263. 

Bradford,  Governor,  166. 

Bradstreet,  Anne,  literary  ac- 
complisliments  of,  241. 

Browne,  Henry,  19. 

Bull,  Henry,  sympathy  with 
Wheelwright,  280. 


Cambridge    Agreement,     de- 
scription of,  108. 
Chauncey,  President,  199. 
Cbelinshey  House,  2. 

22  337 


Clap,  Roger,  on  First  Bostou 

Church,  260. 
Clopton,  Aune,  love-letter   to, 

17. 
Cloth-workers  of  Suffolk  Coun- 
ty, 27  et  seq. 
Coddington,  Governor  William, 

232:    sympathy   with    Anne 

Hutchinson,  280. 
Coggeshall,    John,     sympathy 

with  Anne  Hutchinson,  280; 

Governor  of   Khode   Island, 

280. 
Conclusions  for  New  England, 

101. 
Coram,  Sir  Joseph,  21. 
Cotton,  Kev.  John,  intluence  of, 

264  ;  his  Way  of  the  Churches, 

268  ;  relations  of,  with  Anne 

Ilutcliinson,  270  et  seq. 
Craddock,  Matthew,  governor, 

108. 
Cromwell,  Captain,  adventurer, 

211. 

D' Aui>NAY  de  Charnist",  arrival 
of,  in  Acadia,  28S ;  rivalry 
witli  La  Tour,  289  ;  visit  of, 
to  Boston,  300;  death  of; 
307. 

Deane,  Sir  Joseph,  21. 

D'Ewes,  Lady,  4ti 


INDEX 


D'Ewes,  Sir  Simonds,  love- 
letter  of,  to  Anne  Clopton,  17. 

Downing,  Emanuel,  221;  char- 
acter of,  222;  desire  to  marry 
his  children,  249  et  seq. 

Downing,  Sir  George,  career  of, 
222  et  seq. 

Downing,  Lucy,  on  condition  of 
Puritans  in  England,  112  et 
seq.  •  letters  of,  222  et  seq. ;  ar- 
rival of,  in  New  England, 
228 ;  friendship  of,  for  Jlar- 
garet  Winthrop,  229  et  seq. ; 
thrift  of,  232 ;  stepdaughter 
of,  232  et  seq. 

Dowsing,  Will,  27. 

Dudley,  Deputy  Governor 
Thomas,  206 ;  dying  message 
of,  287;  quarrels  of,  with 
Winthrop,  311. 

Dudley,  Mary,  marriage  of, 
236 ;  letters  of,  to  her  step- 
mother, jNIargaret  Winthrop, 
236  et  seq. 

Dumraer,  Richard,  sj'mpathy 
with  Anne  Hutchinson,  280. 

Dunster,  Henrj',  199. 

Dyer,  Jlary,  influenced  by 
Anne  Hutchinson,  285. 


Earle,  Dr.  John,  on  the  Puri- 
tan woman  in  England,  122. 

Earle,  Mistress  Frances,  46. 

Earle,  Serjeant  Erasmus,  love- 
letter  of,  15;  on  dress  of 
English  women,  95. 

Eliot,  Jacob,  connection  with 
First  Boston  Church,  260. 

Eliot,  John,  arrival  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 166 ;  birthplace  of, 
200 :  wife  of,  242 ;  connection 
with  First  Boston  Church, 
260. 


Elizabeth,  Queen,  22;  to  Sir 
William  Mildma.v,  24. 

Emanuel  College,  Cambridge, 
mother  of  Puritans,  24;  grad- 
uates of,  in  New  England, 
199. 

Endicott,  John,  letter  of,  to 
Governor  Winthrop,  246; 
guardianship  of  Rebecca 
Cooper,  251. 

FisKE,  Rev.  John,  199. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  description  of 
Suffolk  County,  26;  on  "Suf- 
folk fair  maids,"  29. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  fanaticism  of, 
213 ;  trial  and  sentence  of, 
215. 

Gurdon,  Am\',  marriage  of,  22. 

Gurdon,  John,  a  Regicide,  23; 
sentence  of,  24. 

Harley,  Lady  Brilliana,  46. 

Harris,  Sir  William,  22. 

Harvard  College,  founded,  228; 
first  Commencement  of,  310. 

Harvard,  John,  199. 

Hawthorne,  picture  of  life  in 
Boston,  203. 

Hoar,  Joanna,  descendants  of, 
244. 

Hoar,  Leonard,  President  of 
Harvard  College,  224. 

Hutchinson,  Anne,  arrival  of, 
in  Boston,  271;  beliefs  and 
theories  of,  271;  extraordi- 
nary influence  of,  272;  meth- 
od of  making  converts,  273; 
sentenced  to  be  banished, 
278;  character  and  tempera- 
ment of,  281 ;  fate  of,  283. 

Hutchinson,  Lucy,  portrait  of 
her  husband,  120. 


S38 


INDEX 


^\  Tour,  Madam,  visit  of,  to 
Boston,  298;  defends  the  fort 
against  D'Aulnay,  30G ;  death 
of,  307. 

La  Tour,  Sir  Charles  St.  Etienne 
Sieiir  de,  cliaracter  of,  289; 
rivalry  with  D'Aulnay,  289; 
arrival  of,  in  Boston,  291 ;  re- 
turns to  Acadia,  307  ;  marries 
D'Aulnay's  wiiiow,  308. 

Laud,  Bishop  of  London,  atti- 
tude of,  towards  Turitans, 
lU. 

Lech  ford,  Thomas,  acco\mt  of 
public  worship  in  Boston, 
265. 

Lisle,  John,  224. 

Lisle,  Lady  Alice,  224. 

Massachusetts  Bay  Colo- 
nists, character  of,  200. 

IMather,  ('otton,  on  John  AVin- 
thro]),  30 ;  Maj^nalia  Christi 
Americana,  250. 

Jlildmay,  Lady  Amy,  23. 

Mildmay,  Sir  Henry,  marriage 
of,  22.' 

Mildmay,  Sir  AVilliam,  mar- 
riages of,  22;  founder  of 
Emanuel  College,  24. 

Moody,  Lady  Deborah,  245. 

Nazino  Pilgrims,  199. 
Norton,  John,  199. 


Pklham,  Penelope,  marriage 
of,  fo  Governor  Bellingham, 
243. 

Peter,  Hugh,  character  of,  207 ; 
question  of  his  marriage  with 
Mrs.  Deliverance  ShellieUl, 
245. 


Piiillips,  Rev.  George,  199. 

Puritan  woman,  iri  England, 
the  household  duties  ol",  54 
et  seq.\  intelligence  of,  85; 
dress  of,  83  et  se.q.  ;  perse- 
cuted for  her  religion,  121. 

nnC'iiKTTK,  M.,  mission  of,  to 

Boston,  290. 
Rogers,  Ezekiel,  199. 
Rogers,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  199. 

Saltonstall,  Governor  Gur 

don,  22. 
Savage,     Thomas,     sympathy 

with  Wheelwright,  280. 
School  expenses  in  England,  in 

l(54t!,  83  ct  svq. 
Scwall.  Judge,  21,  247. 
Shellield,     Mrs.     Deliverance, 

marriage  of,  with  Rev.  Hugh 

Peter,  245. 
Shepheard,  Thomas,  199. 
Sherman,  John,  199. 
Sherman,     Philip,     sympathy 

with  Wheelwright,  2S0. 
Spring,    Thomas,     builder    of 

church  near  Groton,  28. 

Tyndal,  Arthur,  account  of 
his  father's  death,  3. 

Tyndal,  Lady  Anne,  home  of,  2. 

Tyndal,  Sir  John,  tragic  death 
of,  2. 

Undekiiii,!.,  Captain  .Fohn,  ec- 
centric charaiter  of,  209; 
sympathy  with  Wheelwright, 
280. 

Vank,  Sir  Harry,  204;  convert 
to  Anne  Hutchinson's  beliefs, 
280. 


339 


INDEX 


Wahp,  John,  199. 

Ward,  Nathaniel,  199;  author  of 
Body  of  Liberties,  309. 

Wheelwright,  Kev.  Mr.,  rela- 
tions of,  with  Anne  Hiitcliin- 
son,  273;  petition  in  behalf 
of,  278. 

"Williams,  Roger,  199 ;  acquaint- 
ance with  Margaret  Win- 
throp,  208;  character  of,  208. 

tVilson,  Rev.  John,  in  First 
Boston  Church,  262;  char- 
acter of,  2G2. 

Winthrop,  Adam,  letter  of,  to 
Margaret  Tvndal,  5;  grant  of 
manor  to,  19 ;  character  and 
attainments  of,  19;  verses 
of,  23. 

Winthrop,  Anne,  character  of, 
19. 

Winthrop,  John,  courtship  of, 
3;  personal  appearance  of, 
3-4;  type  of  Puritanism,  5; 
letters  of,  to  Margaret,  7 
et  seq.;  his  Christian  Ex- 
perience, 8;  worldly  condition 
of,  at  the  time  of  his  mar- 
riage, 1 1 ;  grandfather  of,  28 ; 
children  of,  by  his  first  wife, 
Slary  Forth,  29 ;  second  wife 
of,  Thomasine  Clopton,  31; 
her  death,  32  ;  her  character 
as  described  by,  34;  makes 
his  will,  35;  law  business  of, 
36 ;  residence  of,  in  London, 
49;  temperance  of.  64  :  coun- 
sel of,  regarding  dress,  89; 
author  of  Conclusions  forNew 
England,  100;  first  thoughts 
of  New  England,  105;  signs 
the  Cambridge  Agreement, 
107;  appointed  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  Com- 
pany, 107  ;  departure  of,  for 


New  England,  135;  experi- 
ences of,  in  Massachusetts, 
138  tt  seq.  ;  death  of  his  son, 
141;  journal  of,  144;  inven- 
tory f)f  his  estate,  174;  library 
of,  183;  religious  feelings  of, 
255;  gift  of,  to  Boston 
Church,  260;  attitude  of,  to- 
wards Anne  Hutchinson,  273; 
his  part  in  her  banishment, 
278;  relations  with  La  Tour 
and  D'Aulnay,  290  et  seq. ; 
description  of  La  Tour's  visit 
to  Boston,  291 ;  quarrels  with 
Governor  Thomas  Dudley, 
311;  protects  the  charter, 
312  et  seq. ;  impeachment 
of,  321 ;  private  estate  of,  325; 
death  of  wife  of,  327. 

Winthrop,  Jr.,  John,  letters  to, 
from  Margaret  Winthrop, 
160  et  seq.  ;  letter  to,  from 
his  father,  166;  character  of, 
169  ;  Governor  of  Connec- 
ticut, 170;  family  and  de- 
scendants of,  170. 

Winthrop,  Jlargaret,  home  of, 
before  marriage,  2 ;  marriage 
of,  to  John  Winthrop,  19; 
birth  of  hpr  first  child,  35; 
on  town  and  country  life, 
45;  household  duties  of,  54 
et  seq. ;  advised  regarding 
dress,  89;  first  news  of  prob- 
able separation,  127;  con- 
fidence of,  in  her  husband's 
judgment,  128 ;  his  farewell 
letter  to  her,  12i»;  letters  from 
Governor  Winthrop  describ- 
ing his  experience  in  the 
JSIassachusetts  Bay  Colony, 
147  et  seq. ;  instructed  re- 
garding the  journe}-,  156; 
letters   to  her  stepson,  John 


340 


INDEX 


Winthrop,  Jr.,  100  ui  seq.; 
arrival  in  Massachusett.-i, 
164 ;  the  town  that  became 
her  home,  in  1631,  171; 
domestic  life  of,  as  shown  by 
the  inventory  of  the  Gov- 
ernor's estate,  174  et  siq.  ; 
how  iier  house  was  furnisln'd, 
181;  daily  life,  187;  domestic 
cares  of,  in  her  new  home, 
189  et  seq.  ;  cookinj^  and 
other  household  duties  of, 
191;  servants  of,  195;  social 
life  of,  198  ;  contemporaries 
of,  199;  holidays  of,  204; 
visitors  to,  204 ;  acquaintance 
with  Sir  Henry  Vane,  204; 
with  Hui;h  Peter,  207 ;  with 
Roger  Williams,  208;  with 
adventurers  and  eccentric 
characters,  2)9  et  seq.;  con- 
tact with  Indians,  216;   inti- 


macy with  her  husband's 
sister,  Lucy  Downing,  2-29; 
with  her  stepdaughter,  Mury 
Dudley,  230;  letters  from 
Mary  Dudley,  236  et  seq.; 
religious  life  of,  255;  sym- 
pathy with  her  husband's 
UKj  ies  of  religious  thought, 
258  ;  becomes  member  of  ihe 
First  Boston  Church,  20(1; 
the  controversy  over  Anne 
Hutchinson,  209  et  seq. ;  re- 
ceives 3000  acres  of  land  from 
the  Colonial  Governniciit, 
327;  death  of,  327;  descend- 
ants of,  331;  character  of, 
333. 

Winthrop,  William,  gift  to  An- 
tiquarian Society  of  Worces- 
ter, Mass.,  25. 

Wood,  William,  description  of 
Boston  in  1631,  171. 


341 


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